Debates of May 3rd, 2016

Criminal Code

[Kevin Sorenson, Conservative, Battle River—Crowfoot, AB]

Madam Speaker, three times pro-doctor-assisted suicide groups testified, but the committee did not hear from any anti-euthanasia advocacy groups.

Now the government is telling us that the justice committee, during its hearings, will allow amendments. The Liberals say that the committee can make amendments and better define things like conscience rights, or what happens when a doctor refuses to assist a person to commit suicide. The committee may look at the term “reasonable foreseeable death” or the issue of advance consent. However, I have no faith in the Liberal-dominated committee that will hear Bill C-14.

Today the Liberals are in a hurry to pass the bill and send it to committee. I have served and chaired many committees, I have seen how witness lists have been tightly controlled. I do not believe the views of average Canadians will be heard at this committee. I do not believe the religious community in Canada will even be given the chance to testify. I think we will see a Liberal-dominated committee that will turn down all amendments that might change the bill.

We already saw that at the previous special joint committee. That is why the official opposition had to table a dissenting report to the conclusions of the committee. We listed the problems that must be addressed. I am thankful for some of those issues being addressed in Bill C-14.

There is a void in Canada, and elsewhere for that matter, on behalf of people who do not ever deal with death and dying on a day-to-day basis. Many are in absolute fear of dying. It is the great unknown. There is a chance there will be unbearable pain and suffering, many people believe. We do not know.

Palliative care experts tell us that it is possible to find balance in the human body. The human body is very good at shutting itself down, and palliative care is all about assisting each individual in that process compassionately.

My daughter and wife both serve as nurses. They have been at the bedsides of those who are dying and have compassionately cared for them, making certain that pain is addressed, or that there is very little pain in some cases.

The provinces will decide certain questions on the bill. Health services are, as we know, a provincial jurisdiction. The government knows this and it is trying to wash its hands of some of that issue. In fact, the Liberal government knows there are going to be many problems within the bill when we move forward to the next level and try to get unanimity among all the provinces and territories.

The government has already said that it will continue to study the issues of doctor-assisted suicide. Some have said that we will continue to study the issue around mature minors. Will they someday be able to receive assisted suicide, or people with mental illness? The government is going to study that as well as advance requests.

We know we live in a time where there is a slippery slope. Here we are debating Bill C-14. Most of us think those are the parameters today, but what will they be tomorrow? If it is a right today for some people to have doctor-assisted suicide, why is it not then a right for someone else? How long do we think it will before the courts take that one on and change what we may very well want to implement here today? I think it is a concern for people on both sides of the House. It is not good enough, so we need to do some of this work before we talk about the many other things.

There are a couple of areas of concern with the bill that need to be addressed at committee. Canadians need to be certain that physician-assisted dying is limited to competent adult persons 18 years of age and older. We need to ensure safeguards for vulnerable persons and confirm their capacity to make decisions about their life or being killed. We need conscience protections for physicians, and this is the big one.

We need conscience protections for physicians, nurses and other medical practitioners who oppose physician-assisted dying. Once Bill C-14 is passed into law, without conscience protections, euthanasia and assisted suicide will enter the standard of care.

I should have spoken more quickly, because I have about five more pages. It is a heartfelt issue. I believe in the sanctity of life.

[Bob Bratina, Liberal, Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, ON]

Madam Speaker, I want to assure my colleague across the way that in our group, we have taken all of these concerns to heart.

I heard a lot in the discussion about political motives. We do not have any political motives other than having to answer the Supreme Court's request that we present a bill by June 6. One should not be predicting what the outcome of a committee will be. We are approaching this, I believe, in a fair, honest, and principled way.

The question I have is as follows. What is it, so far, in the bill that says we are making someone do something they do not want to do? Is there something in the bill that sounds like we are making someone do something that they do not want to do, whether it is to take some sort of medicine to end their life or to provide the service?

[Kevin Sorenson, Conservative, Battle River—Crowfoot, AB]

Madam Speaker, I do not think I talked about the motives of the government a lot in my speech. We all understand the government is doing this because the Supreme Court made a decision and directed us to do it. I am not saying there are certain political motives. Forgive me, if it came across that way. I certainly did not mean to say that.

However, I am skeptical. I am very pleased when I hear the member say that he believes in good faith that amendments will be taken at committee, and that in good faith we will hear from all different types of witnesses. To be honest, I have seen in the past where it has been shut down. We saw it in the joint committee. It was a very narrow group of witnesses to which the committee was able to listen.

On the member's other question, which was—

[The Assistant Deputy Speaker, NDP, Carol Hughes]

We do have to get to another question. Questions and comments, the hon. member for Essex.

[Tracey Ramsey, NDP, Essex, ON]

Madam Speaker, this issue is something with which all of us are grappling, those who live in our riding, our family members, and friends.

The member mentioned palliative care and the fact that there was absolutely no money allocated for it in the budget. I believe a strong palliative care goes hand-in-hand with this bill.

Could the member speak to the ways that a commitment from the Liberal government could ensure that people have the option of palliative care when they are at the end of their life?

[Kevin Sorenson, Conservative, Battle River—Crowfoot, AB]

Madam Speaker, again, we have an aging population in the country. More and more people are living longer. Health and medicine, as well as many other things, are prolonging life.

We need to be aware of that, and we need to ask what it will look like 10 years down the road. We need to start having a stronger commitment, right now, toward palliative care so when decisions like this need to be made people have an alternative. To be quite frank, if I had seen a line item in a budget that said that because of the Carter decision, the government would now focus on palliative care, I would have applauded that.

In the last government, we started consultations on palliative care. In fact, the Leader of the Opposition, who was health minister at the time, started consultations on Alzheimer's patients, palliative care, and long-term care. Again, we were looking forward to this type of debate.

Obviously on all sides, as we live out our lives, we want to know that the end is going to be lived as comfortably and compassionately as a society like ours should be providing.

[The Assistant Deputy Speaker, NDP, Carol Hughes]

It is my duty pursuant to Standing Order 38 to inform the House that the questions to be raised tonight at the time of adjournment are as follows: the hon. member for Montcalm, Physician-Assisted Dying; the hon. member for Regina—Lewvan, Employment Insurance; and the hon. member for London—Fanshawe, International Trade.

Resuming debate, the hon. member for Edmonton Strathcona.

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Madam Speaker, key among the considerations lying at the centre of the debate on Bill C-14, physician-assisted dying, is the ruling made in February 2015 by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Carter case, striking down sections of the Criminal Code that prohibited the provision of assistance in dying on the grounds that they were unconstitutional as they violated parts of article 7 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms that “everyone has the right of life, liberty and security of the person”.

The court ruled that the Criminal Code provisions were of no force or effect to the extent that they prohibited physician-assisted death for a competent adult person who clearly consented to the termination of life and had a grievous and irremediable medical condition, including an illness, disease or disability, that caused enduring suffering that was intolerable to the individual in the circumstances of his or her condition.

The court then suspended the declaration of invalidity for a year and in turn granting to the current federal government an additional four months to June 6 of this year, after which the Criminal Code offences would become null and void.

Clearly, action is necessary to uphold our constitutional and charter rights.

Also, it is important to give consideration to the recommendations by the all-party Special Joint Committee on Physician-Assisted Dying struck by the government and mandated to review the report on the external panel and options for a legislative response established by the former Conservative government, and to make recommendations on the framework of a federal response that would respect the constitution, the charter and Canadian priorities.

The committee recommendations are based on the testimony of a wide diversity of witnesses and review of parallel legislation enacted in other jurisdictions, including Quebec.

The committee considered a great many critical issues, including: Should there be a condition based on age? How will the law protect the vulnerable? Should the law recognize advance medical directives? Should the law impose waiting periods? Should the law enable conscience objections by health providers? What is the correct terminology to apply? What are the respective jurisdictions of federal and provincial authorities? How do we ensure equal access to these medical services, and the need to expand access to palliative care, including on the NDP call for a national strategy?

The challenge before us is to determine whether Bill C-14 clearly and properly addresses these matters.

This is a highly personal and emotional topic for all members in this place and frankly all Canadians facing life and death decisions. Members of my own immediate family struggled in their last days. My younger sister suffered a painful extended period prior to her death, even where some palliative care was available. My older sister suffered a lesser quality of existence for far too many years because the only accommodation for younger, chronically ill patients was an extended care facility for seniors.

Our governments must deliver on promises for expanded palliative care for all, and housing for the chronically ill and disabled. This access is surely also a charter right.

I have carefully considered the letters and conversations with my constituents who have expressed a wide range of views and perspectives on the matter of medically assisted dying. What I found discouraging is the lack of full understanding by many I have spoken with, and the misinformation being provided to them about the implications of the Supreme Court decision, and in particular, those who have expressed opposition to the enactment of a law on providing medical assistance to the dying.

I hosted a meeting in my constituency with my colleague, the MP for Victoria, the co-chair of the special joint committee, to provide an opportunity to understand the background to Bill C-14, including the ruling by the Supreme Court, the report of the special joint committee and the tabled bill.

I have been deeply impacted in my views by meetings with a constituent suffering deeply with a fast-paced diagnosis of ALS, already unable to speak and desperately hoping to be able to gain assistance in his death when he determines it is the right time for passing.

I have heard from constituents concerned that the bill reduces the rights of Canadians to choose an assisted death, while others expressed concern the bill would increase risks to the disabled. I must share that by far the majority of views expressed to me, including at my public forum, have expressed concern that the bill does not go far enough in upholding the directions by the Supreme Court to uphold the constitutional and charter rights of Canadians.

How well does Bill C-14 address these key needs and concerns? The bill does set forth a basic framework for decriminalizing medically assisted deaths, including right of access. However, instead of following the recommendations of the Special Joint Committee on Physician-Assisted Dying to adopt the clear and precise terms set forth by the Supreme Court to determine access to medically assisted death, this bill would add further onerous, and frankly nonsensical qualifiers. Most notable is the requirement that a person's natural death has become reasonably foreseeable. Surely that is the case for every human being on this earth.

The Carter family, who was the subject of the Supreme Court ruling, has spoken out strongly against these added criteria. Worse, it is the opinion expressed by numerous legal experts that these additional criteria lack legal certainty and would inevitably force already suffering patients to return to the courts or to travel overseas or to kill themselves. None of these options present a compassionate alternative or uphold our constitutional and charter rights.

I would like to share briefly some words that a constituent sent me:

Nineteen years ago, I watched my 87-year-old mother spend three weeks in severe pain as cancer ate her alive, begging to be put out of misery. The proposed law on medically assisted dying is 19 years too late, but at least it will spare others in similar condition. Unfortunately, it doesn't cover those whose death is not imminent but who have medical conditions that are causing them intolerable suffering. That must be rectified before this law is passed.

A second widespread concern expressed to me is the failure of Bill C-14 to provide for advance directives. I am aware from my discussions with Alberta officials that this is a matter of grave concern to Albertans, many of whom are erroneously of the belief that their personal directives cover medical intervention. Many of my constituents have asked me to demand that this right be extended. Again, I quote from a constituent's letter:

I would like to have the ability to have an advance directive that would stipulate the conditions under which I would want to have my life ended. At the point I would want assisted death, I may not have the mental or physical capacity to restate my wishes. If this bill passes without the proposed amendments, my only option will be to go to the river valley some minus-30 night and freeze to death. This, of course, will create stress on my family, the community, and police as they search for my body.

Others have expressed concern that the law would fail to prohibit hospitals or other institutions from denying access to medically assisted death on the grounds of religious beliefs. While they accept that individual medical practitioners should be extended that right, they strongly believe there should be a duty to refer to another practitioner, and preferably for the delivery of services within the same institution. This would be the compassionate decision, given the dire state of many who would be making this request.

While the Special Joint Committee on Physician-Assisted Dying agreed to a waiting period between the request and delivery of the services, many have expressed concern that Bill C-14 would require a 15-day wait period. Much more preferable would be a waiting period as determined by the medical practitioner, based on the circumstances of each case. I can speak from personal experience that to require a suffering sibling to hang on with severe pain for more than two weeks after making the decision to let go is nothing less than cruel and unusual punishment, and surely offends one's charter rights.

The bill will provide protections to practitioners and afford protections for the disabled. What it would fail to do is extend clear rights to Canadians to determine their own fate within reasonable parameters. Equally disappointing is the failure of the current government to include in its budget the promised dollars for palliative care for all Canadians.

I will vote for this bill at second reading to be considered by a committee. However, I implore the government to ensure that our concerns, the concerns expressed by our constituents and by all Canadians, be considered by the committee members who are undertaking simultaneous review, and to give fair and full consideration to any recommended amendments.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons]

Madam Speaker, the member ended her comments about palliative care and asked the government to make a commitment toward it. It is important for us to reinforce at times that there is a very substantial commitment that has been made in terms of the future of palliative care. Contrary to what the Conservatives might say, it actually is in the budget. All one needs to do is to read it. If they have lost their copy, I am more than happy to provide them with a copy of it.

My question is related to the fact that we have a Minister of Health who has made a commitment to work with provincial stakeholders and others to try to develop that cross-Canada palliative care program. I am asking for the member to provide comment. Would she not agree that the government has an obligation to work with the different provinces that administer health care, whether it is palliative care, home care services, independent, and so forth, and that it is in fact what we are witnessing today?

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Madam Speaker, my hon. member's question gives me an opportunity to raise this issue. The federal government does not have to confer with provinces and territories in those areas where it is directly responsible for medical services to our military, first nations, Métis, and Inuit people. How about starting with delivery of the requirement by the federal government to provide access for palliative care for all those it is responsible for?

[Harold Albrecht, Conservative, Kitchener—Conestoga, ON]

Madam Speaker, to follow up on the palliative care question and whether it is mentioned in the budget, I would ask my colleague to give me the page number. I would be glad to look it up for myself. I can point in the platform to where it was clearly indicated that immediately Liberals would invest $3 billion in palliative care, but I do not see it in the budget.

More importantly, would my colleague agree that in the legislation we could insert an amendment that would require that for all those requesting physician-assisted suicide, it be mandatory that they at least have a palliative care consultation before they proceed with the physician-assisted suicide?

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Madam Speaker, I am sorry, I would not agree to that requirement because we know that less than 15% of Canadians have access to palliative care. Essentially that would be a means of denying medical assistance access to Canadians.

Even in the case where my sister had access to palliative care, there were many aspects. For example, she had no access to a psychologist or a sociologist, although there was a social worker who was available in the cancer clinic. However, because they were not doing direct medical intervention, they kicked her out of the cancer clinic. Even with palliative care, she was suffering unendurable pain. Pain is a very personal experience, so even where there were wonderful doctors and caregivers, she was in such extreme pain that she could not be touched.

I do not agree with that as a condition. Nonetheless, I do agree that there is an obligation on the government, and it would have been nice if the previous Conservative government had in fact funded palliative care.

[Alexandre Boulerice, NDP, Rosemont—La Petite-Patrie, QC]

Madam Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for her very touching and personal speech and the concrete examples she shared.

My question has to do with the specific case of people who have degenerative diseases. The special joint committee recommended that these individuals be able to state their final wishes through advance written directives, while they still have the legal capacity to make decisions. At some point, they will lose the capacity to express their wishes for their end of life. The committee made that recommendation, but the government did not include it in the bill.

Is this an amendment that could improve the bill?

[Linda Duncan, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Madam Speaker, I mentioned that directly in my address. If there is one topic that is of greatest concern to my constituents who have raised this over and over again, it has been the right to provide an advance directive. During the open dialogue that I sponsored in my riding, many of my constituents were horrified to discover from a lawyer who was present that while they thought they could provide an advance directive, it only covers their financial situation.

I have since talked to the medical doctor who is an elected member of the Alberta legislature and is pursuing this, and I am hoping that between the federal and provincial governments, we will actually provide this opportunity. It is the only compassionate direction in which to go.

[Luc Thériault, Bloc, Montcalm, QC]

Madam Speaker, in my colleagues' interventions, there is sometimes a presumption, it seems, of malfeasance when it comes to the health care system. When the slippery slope argument is invoked, it is as though people think that health care providers do not need to be caring and compassionate, first and foremost, in order to be hired. If that is not the case, they should be thanked and let go. I find it strange that so little consideration is given to health care providers.

We have talked a lot about vulnerable individuals. Those are precisely the people the Supreme Court was trying to protect. The Supreme Court indicated that people with degenerative diseases, who have a grievous and irremediable condition, who are experiencing intolerable suffering, should have access to medical assistance in dying, under section 7. It is pretty remarkable to see that all the rights in section 7, namely, the right to life, the right to liberty, and the right to security of the person, are affected by the total prohibition.

The Supreme Court wanted to protect people in an extremely vulnerable situation. When we talk about protecting the vulnerable, who and what are we talking about? It is as though, when someone enters into a continuum of end-of-life care, they are given the choice from the outset between an injection and comfort care. There is a presumption that should not be there.

What the Supreme Court is asking the legislator to do is to provide a framework for assisted suicide, in other words, for all those whose natural death is not reasonably foreseeable. Those people do not need palliative care. What they need is legislation that frames the provisions to allow them to die with dignity, according to their wishes, and on their terms. That is the essence of the debate.

Yesterday in committee, the Barreau du Québec told us that Bill C-14 was not in line with the Carter decision. Last week, the Carter family's lawyer told us that Ms. Carter would not have been entitled to medical assistance in dying. How can the government claim that she would have been entitled? That was the response in committee by the Minister of Health and the Minister of Justice. Did they get an outside opinion?

The Barreau du Québec just said that this bill, because of the totally vague criterion of “reasonably foreseeable natural death”, will make this legislation a legal hornets' nest. I hope that after all this energy we are putting into this debate we will not end up with endless court challenges. The Barreau du Québec sounded the alarm yesterday, as did the Carter family's lawyer. The bill is telling people who have a degenerative disease and are suffering immensely that they cannot make an advance directive.

People with degenerative diseases, such as multiple sclerosis, ALS, and other cognitive diseases, are not suicidal. They want to live as long as possible until their condition becomes intolerable to them. It is not up to us or anyone else to decide what is or is not tolerable suffering for a person. How could we presume to do so?

We have to protect these people from extreme suffering and a society that is basically trying to make decisions for them.

If Kay Carter did not have access to medical assistance in dying, and if advance requests are not allowed for people with degenerative diseases, then it seems as if this bill does not treat all grievous and irremediable medical conditions that people might have the same way.

The minister says that Kay Carter would have been entitled to medical assistance in dying under the reasonably foreseeable natural death provision. Exactly what does “foreseeable” mean in this case? Does it have anything to do with her age? I hope that we are not talking about age discrimination here. Spinal stenosis can be intolerable at 52, 62, or 82 years of age. Age is therefore not a criterion.

If we want to be thorough, we absolutely must provide a framework and amend the bill to include advance requests.

Furthermore, we must remove the criterion of reasonably foreseeable natural death. Even in a situation as clear as someone in palliative care requesting death, this is not a natural death. Yes, the process of death is irreversible. The patient wants to put an end to the irreversible process of a slow death. It is up to patients to decide whether this is what they want. It is their choice.

However, claims that patients will be forced to make a decision have no place in this debate. This is not the case. I have heard members say that this is frightening and that we should invest in palliative care. As I said this morning, palliative care is important, and the Quebec law addresses this issue, among other things. What about assisted suicide? These people do not need palliative care. They do not need it and we do not need to invest in palliative care to fix their problem. We simply need to respect their right to self-determination.

That is why advance requests are so important. These people do not want to move forward without the assurance that they will be cared for. We are not the ones to decide for them. They will decide.

Of course, sometimes there are people who suffer from insomnia. Things can happen in an instant one night. You go to bed at night and everything is fine. When you get up in the morning everything has changed. For that reason, we have to amend the bill. We must also amend the bill to include an equivalency clause, as I mentioned this morning.

The debate lasted six years in Quebec. Quebec's legislation provides a very good framework for end-of-life care, and it would be unacceptable for this bill to interfere with the Quebec law. That is why we are insisting on these amendments.

[Harold Albrecht, Conservative, Kitchener—Conestoga, ON]

Madam Speaker, I was not going to ask a question, but I could not let this opportunity pass me by.

I would like to ask my colleague this question with respect to advance directives. Let us say that someone signs an advance directive when he or she is first diagnosed with dementia, for example, and later on has a change of mind. However, once that person is in a demented state, he or she is unable to sign a request and therefore has to follow through. Is the member not concerned that there could be the potential for people to die needlessly if in their present state they are enjoying life, but when they signed the advance directive they thought they would not be? My concern is that an innocent person could die due to an advance directive, and for me, that would be one too many. I would like my colleague to comment on that.

[Luc Thériault, Bloc, Montcalm, QC]

Madam Speaker, my colleague and I are not health practitioners. I am not a doctor or a researcher specializing in degenerative diseases.

What I do know from my lengthy career in bioethics, is that people with degenerative diseases want society to allow them the option of not living with extreme suffering. There are always means of communicating. There are people who can use signals. For example, some people have written books by blinking. An individual could prepare an advance directive and indicate that a particular signal means “yes”. Before getting to that point, I would hope that the required steps are taken. There is a way to regulate advance directives, instead of believing that a person's wishes will not be respected.

[John Barlow, Conservative, Foothills, AB]

Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak about what I think is one of the most important issues that we will ever face in this Parliament. I know this is going to be a very difficult debate in the House, as physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia are deeply emotional not only to us in the House but obviously to our constituents.

First of all, I would like to say that I am very relieved to see addressed in Bill C-14 some of the concerns that were raised by my Conservative colleagues and Canadians across the country.

The recommendations included in the report from the Special Joint Committee on Physician-Assisted Dying were extremely troubling and went well beyond the parameters outlined in the Supreme Court's Carter decision. My Conservative colleagues and I, as well as Canadians across the country, voiced our concerns on the far-reaching recommendations in the report, and we urged the Liberal government to tighten safeguards in this legislation.

My constituents were concerned with the broad and vague guidelines in some of these recommendations. Like many of my Conservative colleagues, I felt it was very important to discuss these recommendations with my residents, and I held several open houses across the constituency. I held these open houses because I felt it was critical to get feedback from southern Albertans on their feelings on doctor-assisted dying.

However, I also thought it was important to raise awareness about some of the recommendations that could potentially be part of the legislation before us. Initially, I think we saw that the vast majority of Canadians supported doctor-assisted dying, but I would like to say that I think the vast majority of those Canadians who support it were unclear about what could potentially be part of the legislation.

I think in their minds, they saw doctor-assisted dying as involving an adult suffering with a terminal physical ailment, and that became abundantly clear at the open houses that I had in my constituency, which had anywhere from 30 to 300 people, including many of my rural physicians. Almost every single person at these open houses—supportive of doctor-assisted dying or not—was shocked at the potential that could have been in the legislation upon seeing the recommendations that were part of that special joint committee.

These people certainly did not expect that doctor-assisted dying would be available to mature minors. They certainly did not expect it to be available to people suffering from mental illness. They also expected that there would be protection for physicians on decisions of conscience, and very strict guidelines around advance directives. Since I held those open houses and started to raise some awareness within the constituency with my residents, I received hundreds of emails and letters from residents who are very concerned about the potential ramifications in Bill C-14.

Generally, people in Foothills want to make sure that vulnerable people in our society are protected in the legislation, and I believe Canadians want the same. I am pleased to see some of the concerns that we raised are included in Bill C-14, which did not include mature minors and did not include people with mental illness. However, the legislation says that those things will still be studied, which means the door is wide open for mature minors and people with mental and psychological illnesses to be part of the legislation in the future.

However, there are still some other issues that I think were not addressed, such as protection for our physicians in decisions of conscience, and palliative care. In all the meetings I hosted, palliative care came up repeatedly. Many of my residents feel that palliative care was truly never addressed as part of the legislation.

We are blessed to have a facility in my riding, the Foothills Country Hospice. I have toured this facility many times and spoken with patients and their families. I could see that the hospice has been a godsend—I got that from their responses—and has become such a wonderful, important part of our community.

Accessible, consistent, and effective palliative care programs across the country would consistently support people in their end-of-life care. Unfortunately, palliative care is not offered on a consistent basis across this country. The report recommended that palliative care be an integral part of doctor-assisted dying legislation, and this is one recommendation in the report with which I wholeheartedly agree.

If we proceed with medical-assisted dying, palliative care must be a fundamental piece of this program. However, palliative care was not mentioned in the 2016 budget, nor has there been any funding whatsoever committed to a national palliative care program.

Foothills residents also spoke resoundingly about the need to protect physicians' and other medical professionals' rights of conscience. Overwhelmingly, my constituents felt that no one should be compelled to administer physician-assisted dying if doing so was contrary to their personal beliefs and ethics. Additionally, almost everyone who spoke to me recognized that referring a patient to another physician to assist in their death does not absolve that first physician from the ethical dilemma.

In my riding of Foothills, the rural towns have one or two, if any, doctors. Imposing on a doctor in a rural community to participate in doctor-assisted dying puts those rural physicians in a very difficult position in those small towns. They need to have a choice, and we need to show leadership to give them that choice. We cannot download that burden on to provinces or the provincial colleges of physicians and surgeons. Physicians across Canada need our support and our leadership, and that should be part of Bill C-14.

In addition, there needs to be some support structure for physicians who would be participating in doctor-assisted dying. They would be facing mental health issues, as we are now seeing in Quebec. We must ensure there are programs in place to support our physicians in dealing with the potential emotional and mental scars of participating in doctor-assisted dying. Canadians want to achieve a healthy balance between the person seeking physician-assisted death and a physician's own charter rights to abstain from this procedure if it violates the physician's moral ethics and faith.

The Supreme Court came up several times in conversations I had in my riding. Residents are frustrated that the Supreme Court would presume to dictate a law upon parliamentarians. Canadians understand we elect parliamentarians in our country to make laws and the Supreme Court is in place to rule on the constitutionality of those laws. They do not understand, however, why the Supreme Court, an unelected body, is now dictating law to our elected House of Commons and why it is implementing such an unreasonable timeline to come up with the law. My constituents and, I believe, many Canadians are understandably upset that this is how physician-assisted dying came forth.

What does this have to do with this debate? This inversion of the process has left parliamentarians and Canadians scrambling under an unreasonable timeline to develop a complicated piece of legislation that not only ensures that the rights of all involved are protected, but also that the safety of our most vulnerable is also protected. This conversation and public debate simply require more time than has been afforded us currently.

Usually at the end of any of my speeches in debate I encourage hon. members of the House to either vote in favour or against whatever piece of legislation we are debating. Today I am not going to do that. I believe the first priority in this is to ask the Supreme Court for more time. This is one of the most important decisions that we will ever make as parliamentarians, and I truly believe this is a decision that should not be made on an arbitrary timeline. The consequences of this legislation are irreversible. If we make a bad choice now, someone may die who should not have. Canadians on both sides of the issue deserve better. In fact, they deserve our best.

The government has failed on this issue by not challenging the Supreme Court on this timeline. When Quebec developed similar legislation, it took more than six years. We are trying to do something similar in six months. This type of legislation should not be done in weeks. It should be done over a complete mandate of a government.

As parliamentarians, can we honestly say that we have had an opportunity to consult and speak with all stakeholders? Can we really say Canadians have had enough time to digest the implications of the bill and have been given sufficient time to provide feedback to their representatives?

The Supreme Court's decision has made it clear that we will have doctor-assisted dying. As a member of Parliament, my focus here is to ensure that there are sufficient safeguards in Bill C-14 to protect the most vulnerable in our society: children, people with disabilities, those with mental health issues, and our seniors.

Can each of us in the House look our constituents in the eye and say we have done our due diligence in just a few weeks? Can we say with confidence that the safeguards in the legislation are properly in place to protect those who need our support and our help? In the short amount of time we have been given, I simply cannot make that claim.

Unfortunately, it appears the government is not going to ask for an extension. In fact, it is no longer even putting up speakers to participate in the debate. On one of the most important issues that we will face as parliamentarians, the Liberals are not even participating. They are silencing the voice of Canadians who desperately want to talk about this important issue.

I hope we all take the opportunity in the time that is left to speak to our constituents, get their feedback, raise the awareness, talk to them about what the implications of the legislation are. I know people in my riding are extremely split on where they want to go with the legislation. I hope the other parties in the House will follow the Conservatives' lead and allow all of us to have a free vote and speak for our constituents.

[Arnold Chan, Liberal, Scarborough—Agincourt, ON]

Madam Speaker, I know there is a complaint that we are not allowing debate on this particular matter, but we have certainly extended the courtesy and opportunity for all members who want to participate in this particular process to do so.

The deadline of June 6 is one that was imposed by the court. We as a government and the Minister of Justice asked for a longer period of time. The court denied it and decided that June 6 was the deadline with respect to Parliament having an answer to the Carter decision.

I ask my friend how we ultimately get around this particular problem of the deadline that was imposed when his party was in government and did nothing last year.

[John Barlow, Conservative, Foothills, AB]

Madam Speaker, it is great to see my colleague back in the House.

I appreciate and understand the tight timeline, but the Liberal government had opportunities to ask for another extension. Can we honestly say that we can accomplish what we have been asked to do in just a matter of weeks, when every other jurisdiction has done this over a matter of years? It is more important that we get this right than it is to meet some kind of deadline that has been imposed by the Supreme Court.

After the election, the Liberal government asked for the first extension and got four months. It should have challenged that with all of its resources and said that is simply not enough time. The consequences of this are not something that I personally can live with. If we make mistakes, it is horrible to say, but it could have fatal consequences, and that is not something I want on my conscience.

[Tracey Ramsey, NDP, Essex, ON]

Madam Speaker, in his impassioned speech, my colleague from Foothills brought up one issue that I have also heard about from my constituents and I understand it is a concern for Canadians. It is about health practitioners' personal conscientious objections. Through our work in the all-party committee, the NDP made a clear recommendation to the government that no health care worker should ever be compelled to participate in assisted dying and should be legally shielded from unfair consequences resulting from that personal decision.

We in the NDP are concerned that these protections are not included directly in the legislation, even though the government promised that they will be addressed soon in non-legislative measures. We are going to hold the government to that promise.

I ask my colleague, will your party hold the government to that promise as well?

[The Assistant Deputy Speaker, NDP, Carol Hughes]

I would remind members that they address questions to the Chair and not to colleagues in the House.

The hon. member for Foothills.

[John Barlow, Conservative, Foothills, AB]

Madam Speaker, absolutely, one of the top issues that has come up in my riding is protection for health practitioners to make this decision on their own and not have it imposed on them. This goes to the point that I think all of us are trying to make. There are so many issues that still need to be addressed.

My colleague on the other side has said that there have been all kinds of opportunities to debate this. Six or seven of my colleagues who are hoping to speak on this later this evening may not have that opportunity because the government is putting closure on this debate.

[Robert Gordon Kitchen, Conservative, Souris—Moose Mountain, SK]

Madam Speaker, throughout this discussion and debate, I have heard many heartfelt positions. I have also heard many calls for the bill to go to committee, where amendments can be made to it. I truly feel that most Canadians believe, as the member has indicated, that this bill is about someone's mom, dad, sister, or brother who is on life support with a terminal illness.

I wonder if the member might be able to give some idea, if the bill were to go to committee, if there are any amendments that could be made that he would find appropriate.

[John Barlow, Conservative, Foothills, AB]

Madam Speaker, the safest thing to do with this bill would be to make it as tight and as rigid as possible. The Carter decision involved a competent adult suffering with a terminal illness. That is how we should have kept it.

I do not think we should now have psychological issues as an underlying factor and a decision to study mature minors. I do not think we should be starting here; we should be starting here, making it as narrow and as strict as possible, and not try to put the cat back in the bag afterward. We need to ensure that this remains about competent adults who are suffering from a terminal illness.