House of Commons Hansard #22 of the 43rd Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was water.

Topics

LiaisonCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

October 29th, 2020 / 10:05 a.m.

Liberal

Judy Sgro Liberal Humber River—Black Creek, ON

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 107(3), I have the honour to present, in both official languages, the following two reports of the Liaison Committee.

The first report is entitled “Committee Activities and Expenditures April 1, 2019-March 31, 2020”, and the second report is entitled “Committee Activities and Expenditures April 1, 2020-August 18, 2020”. These reports highlight the work and accomplishments of each committee, as well as the budgets that fund the activities approved by committee members.

Foreign AffairsPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

NDP

Scott Duvall NDP Hamilton Mountain, ON

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to present a petition from a group of Canadians concerned about the effects of international economic sanctions, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. The electronic petition, e-2630, with 527 signatures, calls on the government to lift the sanctions against 20 countries around the world, in line with the March 23 letter from the UN Secretary General.

Sex SelectionPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Arnold Viersen Conservative Peace River—Westlock, AB

Mr. Speaker, I have the privilege to present multiple petitions this morning.

The first petition is from Canadians across the country who are calling on the government to expeditiously pass a gender-selection abortion bill. They are calling on members of Parliament to pass the bill that was presented by my hon. colleague from Yorkton—Melville.

Palliative CarePetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Arnold Viersen Conservative Peace River—Westlock, AB

Mr. Speaker, the second petition I have today is from Canadians across the country who are calling on the Government of Canada to create a national strategy on palliative care. This would ensure that all Canadians have access to high-quality palliative care right up until the end of their lives and would ensure Canadians are comfortable in their death.

Physician-Assisted DyingPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Arnold Viersen Conservative Peace River—Westlock, AB

Mr. Speaker, the third petition is from folks across Canada who are calling on the government to enact legislation to protect the conscience rights of health care professionals, physicians and health care institutions. The petitioners recognize that the Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects the conscience rights and freedom of religion, and they note that the Canadian Medical Association is in agreement with this as well.

Human Organ TraffickingPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Arnold Viersen Conservative Peace River—Westlock, AB

Mr. Speaker, the fourth petition I have to present is about the forced organ harvesting that is happening around the world. It is signed by people from across Canada. They are calling on the government to enact, from the previous Parliament, Bill C-350 and Bill S-240, which would make it illegal to travel abroad to purchase organs that have been illegally harvested.

Human RightsPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Arnold Viersen Conservative Peace River—Westlock, AB

Mr. Speaker, my last petition this morning is on the detention of the Uighurs in China. The petitioners are concerned about the genocide that is happening there to the Uighur people. They are calling on the government to use the magnitsky act to bring sanctions against Chinese officials to ensure that this atrocity does not continue.

Human Organ TraffickingPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Kelly McCauley Conservative Edmonton West, AB

Mr. Speaker, I am submitting a petition signed by several hundred people across the country, including people in Edmonton West, that calls on Parliament to enact legislation to prohibit Canadians from travelling abroad to purchase forcefully harvested organs.

Human Organ TraffickingPetitionsRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Conservative

Ted Falk Conservative Provencher, MB

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to present a petition from Canadians who are concerned with the international trafficking of human organs that have been illegally harvested and removed from individuals without their consent. It addresses things like selling somebody's heart to someone who is willing to pay money for it. The petitioners would like Canada to pass legislation to criminalize this behaviour and make people who do that inadmissible to our country, because this kind of behaviour is detestable.

Questions on the Order PaperRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the President of the Queen’s Privy Council for Canada and to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I ask that all questions be allowed to stand.

Questions on the Order PaperRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

The Speaker

Is that agreed?

Questions on the Order PaperRoutine Proceedings

10:05 a.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:05 a.m.

Bloc

Yves-François Blanchet Bloc Beloeil—Chambly, QC

moved:

That the House demand an official apology from the Prime Minister on behalf of the Government of Canada for the enactment, on October 16, 1970, of the War Measures Act and the use of the army against Quebec’s civilian population to arbitrarily arrest, detain without charge and intimidate nearly 500 innocent Quebeckers.

Mr. Speaker, in 1970, the House of Commons of Canada voted to implement the War Measures Act. I want to focus on the word “war”. A war is either a conflict with a foreign enemy or a civil war. It may be the result of insurrection, and that is what we will be talking about. In this case, the War Measures Act was invoked in response to what we now know was a lie. That has been amply acknowledged. Now the government is refusing to take responsibility for that lie and apologize for it. This is like the only kid in the family who does not get a Christmas present. Everyone has been apologizing for everything. It seems to me that the Prime Minister of Canada apologizes when it snows, but he will not apologize to the 500 Quebeckers who were detained and arrested or to their families and their descendants.

This is an eminently troubling and serious context, but it proved to be an unfortunate opportunity to turn a crisis that should have been resolved into an apprehended false insurrection, with democratic leaders and newspaper executives as imaginary protagonists and adversaries.

Five hundred people were detained with no explanation, no warrant and no trial, using abusive search and interrogation tactics. This has caused long-lasting trauma. We have tried to share information about a number of cases to make the point that this issue should be more about compassion than politics. As my esteemed colleague from Longueuil—Saint-Hubert said, it is important that these individuals be able to put this behind them.

The current Prime Minister of Canada said just a few months ago that no army should be used against its own people. That is just plain common sense, except under certain dictatorships. However, just 50 years ago another prime minister, who was also named Trudeau and whose name I can say, sent the army in against its own people.

Thirty-two members of the Bloc Québécois sit in the House of Commons of Canada to uphold this same idea of independence for the Quebec nation, an idea that Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau tried to crush once and for all.

The 32 of us, backed by millions of votes, attest to the fact that he failed. In light of that failure, the House of Commons could do the honourable thing and recognize that it was unacceptable and unjustified, as history has made clear.

The current Prime Minister has apologized to the Japanese community, the Ukrainian community and the Italian community for internments during the Second World War. He was right to do so. Why not make an equally well meaning apology to these 500 Quebec families?

Historically, the government has also not apologized to the Métis people for the crisis that culminated in the hanging of Louis Riel. Nor has it apologized to the Acadians who were deported thousands of kilometres from their home. It is as though Prime Minister Trudeau's apologies are reserved for anyone who is not francophone.

This raises a lot of questions from a historical perspective. The Prime Minister is Her Majesty's government representative in Canada. He is telling us that the country moved on a long time ago, it is time to move on to something else and that we are playing politics, but the War Measures Act is not that old.

To engage in politics is to serve the people. Serving the people is impossible without having some compassion. I am not certain that being the heir of a self-proclaimed aristocracy with a good dose of intellectual arrogance demonstrates great compassion towards people who have suffered.

I doubt that the Prime Minister has ever closed his eyes and imagined that a machine gun was pointed at him, his father or his children and that, under the law, the person holding the gun had the right to use it with no questions asked. That is unbelievable violence that leaves an indelible mark on people's psyche. It is still very real 50 years later. Does that not deserve an apology?

The Canadian government ordered raids similar to those carried out in eastern Europe in the communist era. It used, threatened, encouraged, called for and wanted interrogation methods that caused scars that people still carry today. It pursued tens of thousands of interrogations, and it sought to cause costly damage without ever fixing the homes where children were woken up in the middle of the night.

There was a will to repress with violence a nation that had not been assimilated or even seduced into assimilating on its own. That nation had not been persuaded to give up its language, its culture and its arts. The government would not even hesitate to lock up artists as well.

The government used the pretext of an apprehended insurrection because the law required it and because what is legal is not necessarily ethical. It is now well known that Mr. Trudeau, Mr. Bourassa and Mr. Drapeau, without talking about it directly, together came up with a lie worthy of the Francoists, whose dishonourable remaining adherents still roam the streets of Barcelona at night with a similar goal.

The government suppressed a nation's democratic will to exercise the right to self-determination. It was said that this was an apprehended insurrection to overthrow the Government of Quebec, nothing less. Who devised this insurrection? Who led it? Members will not believe it, and I dare them not to laugh when I tell them. One of the alleged leaders of the insurrection was Claude Ryan, the director of Le Devoir, whose violent charisma we saw later. René Lévesque, the one we all knew, was also allegedly the leader of the insurrection. I am trying to imagine him with a rifle in hand. That is beyond ridiculous. There was also Guy Rocher. Could there be a more peaceful intellectual than Guy Rocher? I wish everyone could have the opportunity to meet him. This was absolute folly, but it was intentional, calculated and designed to stir up trouble, despite the warnings of the RCMP, an institution that all members of the House revere. The RCMP specifically told cabinet that there was no apprehended insurrection and there was no need to impose the War Measures Act. That warning was quickly swept under the rug.

There was intent behind that. You do not arrest 500 innocent people, upset 30,000 others and terrorize an entire nation without a specific intent, which was to crush support for a movement.

That is something the Bolsheviks would do. Sure, we must always condemn acts of terrorism, but ideally you do not wait 10 days to do so. All forms of terrorism must be condemned, and we did so without hesitation. Paul Rose's son did so. We condemned terrorism.

That said, there is no connection between the use of the War Measures Act and the terrorist actions. Honourable citizens, our Canadian neighbours, were fed misinformation. Hate for Quebec nationalists was intentionally fuelled and then taken in, absorbed and embraced. This left an enduring stain on the Quebec nation.

My Twitter feed has become a frightful cesspool of hateful messages, which come in by the thousands. They mainly come from people who are misinformed, so I forgive them, but I do not respond because that would be a waste of my time. They have been fed lie after lie, which they continue to perpetuate today. Of course, the opposite is said in French. Canadian bilingualism will remain one of the greatest myths to survive the 21st century.

The raids did not lead to the arrest of a single terrorist. It does not matter because that was not the objective. The raids were not meant to catch terrorists. The terrorist kidnappers, who are to be condemned and denounced, were used as a pretext to quash an idea that seemed like a threat to Canada, even though that idea was growing peacefully and democratically. That idea was legitimate, whether people agreed with it or not, and it was independence for the nation of Quebec.

In 1970, they deliberately created confusion. Yesterday, the current Prime Minister of Canada purposely re-created that confusion and perpetuated it. That is a crying shame in an institution that should make truth one of its core values. In 1970, Canada engaged in state terrorism. In 2020, Canada still condones state terrorism.

In 1837, Canadians—or the French, as they called them back then—rose up, exasperated, but they were repressed into a lasting fear. Then they tried to assimilate them, claiming that it was for the good of this poor gang who had no culture or history. However, things turned out very well for us.

In 1968, Quebeckers felt humiliated on the day that would become their national holiday. How many were arrested? How many were beaten? They were trying to scare them once again.

When the Parti Québécois was elected in 1976, they tried to scare them.

During the 1980 referendum, they tried to scare them.

During the 1995 referendum, they tried to scare them.

In October 1970, they tried to scare them.

Each time, people thought it was the last time, but it will never be the last time because, on a daily and weekly basis, Quebeckers are told it is over and nobody is interested anymore. Anytime someone actually takes the time to look into it, however, it turns out that a lot of people are indeed still interested.

I suggest we do things differently. I suggest we proceed as neighbouring nations and friends rather than use force, intimidation and public money to suppress the legitimate expression of a democratic will.

The Prime Minister of Canada, the Liberal Party of Canada and even, I might add, the Conservatives, including their leader, Mr. Stanfield, voted to invoke the War Measures Act. Later, they clearly stated that they regretted doing so because invoking the War Measures Act was not justified. The federal Parliament, which was also made up of quite a few honourable people at the time, would not have voted to invoke the War Measures Act had it not been fed a bunch of lies.

It took incredible cynicism and a profound hatred of Quebec nationalism for them to be prepared to go that far and run roughshod over the democratic values that those in the upper echelons of the government of the day had publicly championed for decades.

All those important people were on the wrong side of history. All those people were sure that Quebeckers would never recover from the humiliation. All those people were betting that Quebec was beaten, that Quebec would never rise up again, that Quebec would give in and be a province like all the rest and that Quebec would resign itself to being conquered yet again by fear and lies. Maybe Canada was wrong.

The Prime Minister says I do not speak for Quebec. That is true. However, he is in a minority situation and does not speak for Canada, either. Quebec speaks for Quebec, and I look forward to Quebec being able to speak for itself again.

Does the head of state have the right to lie, cheat and send in the army against his own people simply because he is the boss, because he said, “just watch me”, because he does not know the difference between common good and hubris against his own people?

Perhaps Canada has it wrong. We will be there to offer an alternative to those Quebeckers who are sick of being humiliated. We will be there to offer them what we hope will be a better country, one they can call their own. This will come one day, with another proposal and another election.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:25 a.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the President of the Queen’s Privy Council for Canada and to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I am very proud of my heritage, which is rooted, in good part, in the province of Quebec. When I listen to leader of the Bloc, I can understand and appreciate why the Bloc is presenting this motion, even though my priority for the people of Quebec, as it is for all Canadians, is still the coronavirus.

Having said that, the question I have for the leader of the Bloc is this. Would he not acknowledge that it was support requested by the premier of the province of Quebec and the mayor of Montreal, to which the national government at the time responded? The Bloc today says to listen to what the province of Quebec is saying, and to act on what the province of Quebec is saying.

I am wondering if the leader of the Bloc can explain, or expound on, those two points. Why does he believe the Premier of Quebec back then and the mayor of Montreal felt it was necessary?

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:25 a.m.

Bloc

Yves-François Blanchet Bloc Beloeil—Chambly, QC

Mr. Speaker, there are none so blind as those who will not see, and none more unconscious than those who renounce their conscience.

The mayor of Montreal, Jean Drapeau, and the Quebec premier at the time, Robert Bourassa, are indeed among those the Bloc Québécois and I vehemently denounce. Neither of those two would have a statue erected in their name in the great hall of historical bravery, and I certainly do not mind saying so.

Of course, we have heard it loud and clear: The government is busy with COVID-19. How convenient. As one of my colleagues has often said, COVID-19 is a good excuse. Everything else has to stop. There will be no snow removal this winter because of COVID-19. We can only deal with COVID-19. That is it. It is a pretext, a smoke screen, something to hide behind, to the point of being hypocritical.

I have an idea. If the government wants to focus on COVID-19, we can finish today's proceedings in 35 minutes. The Prime Minister just has to come to the House, apologize and be done with it. Then he can deal with COVID-19.

That would be so much easier. Unfortunately, while pride may be a virtue, hubris is decidedly not.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:30 a.m.

Conservative

Gérard Deltell Conservative Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC

Mr. Speaker, the member for Saint-Laurent is on the other side of the House. I cannot say what I am thinking when I see her on the other side of the House.

The leader of the Bloc Québécois is inviting us to reflect on the events that occurred 50 years ago. Over the course of the day, we will have the opportunity to state and explain our position and to put things in context. I will do so later.

The leader of the Bloc Québécois used some very strong, very harsh language, which I believe he has the right to do. He spoke about lies, invented situations, lying and cheating, and disinformation. We will have the opportunity to specifically respond to each of these points.

I would like the leader of the Bloc Québécois to stand up here in the House and explain why he carefully omitted to inform the House that the government was acting at the explicit request of the Government of Quebec. That could be interpreted as disinformation. Why did he not mention this fact in his speech?

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:30 a.m.

Bloc

Yves-François Blanchet Bloc Beloeil—Chambly, QC

Mr. Speaker, our knowledge of history readily admits this fact. I say this with all due respect to my esteemed colleague, who made a reference that we have no right to make and that I will not make either.

Let's take a positive view, since that is the hallmark of the Bloc Québécois, and say that the Conservatives are well represented in the House. The Bloc's turnout is not so bad either, and I can even say the same for the NDP. However, there is one political party whose turnout is not as high, but perhaps its lack of presence can be put down to shame.

It is true that a letter from Robert Bourassa had been sent, and it is true that before accepting the proposal, then Prime Minister Trudeau did not want to do this at all. One fine morning, he came up with the idea that there might be an insurrection, which had been mentioned by someone who was advising the City of Montreal. Being an imaginative person, the then prime minister of Canada thought this was a good opportunity to crush the separatists once and for all. That is about the size of it.

I invite the members of the House to consult historians who are not card-carrying members of the Bloc Québécois. They will find very few who will say that an insurrection was apprehended. In fact, I have a feeling that they will not find any historians who have said that, including among contemporary observers, such as the RCMP, which said there was nothing resembling an apprehended insurrection, the legal threshold for invoking the War Measures Act.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:30 a.m.

NDP

Alexandre Boulerice NDP Rosemont—La Petite-Patrie, QC

Mr. Speaker, I thank the leader of the Bloc Québécois for his speech and this initiative.

Obviously, this is a very broad and highly complex issue. It is important to remember that, at the time, the only newspaper that opposed the War Measures Act was Le Devoir. The only political party that opposed the War Measures Act was the NDP, under the leadership of Tommy Douglas. I think that bears repeating.

I would like to hear what my colleague has to say about what it means to have a government that suspends the civil and fundamental rights of its citizens and then conducts raids to arrest people like Gaston Miron, Gérald Godin and Pauline Julien.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:30 a.m.

Bloc

Yves-François Blanchet Bloc Beloeil—Chambly, QC

Mr. Speaker, I will not be so bold as to claim I can definitively explain that phenomenon, so I will leave that to others. However, I will do something that God knows does not happen very often these days and recognize the NDP's support for the Quebec nation in 1970.

One thing I will say is that members of Quebec's elite, who refused to identify as part of the Quebec nation, felt justified in suspending the civic rights of their fellow citizens, sending in the army to break down doors and point automatic rifles at people's heads, children not excepted, in an attempt to intimidate, crush and permanently cow a democratic political movement.

What does that mean? Historians will study what it means for the past, but I have an idea of what it could mean for the future.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:35 a.m.

Bloc

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC

Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to thank my leader for his outstanding speech.

We already know how the Liberals will vote on this motion. However, it is less clear how the Conservatives will vote. I am wondering about that.

How will the Conservatives vote, and why would they vote against this motion?

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:35 a.m.

Bloc

Yves-François Blanchet Bloc Beloeil—Chambly, QC

Mr. Speaker, I gather that the Conservatives are not enthusiastic. I sense no enthusiasm for our motion. I do sense a more respectful attitude from the Conservative side than from the Liberal side, for obvious reasons that I will make an effort to respect. However, I would have liked them to do two things, which are complementary and not mutually exclusive.

The first is to unequivocally denounce the terror, violence and thoroughly dishonourable means used by a tiny terrorist group. The second is to denounce, with equal vigour, the state terrorism deployed by the Canadian government, after the government of Pierre Elliott Trudeau misled the House of Commons during a vote. We know that one wrong does not justify another. Fifty years later, they are both worthy of firm condemnation.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:35 a.m.

Honoré-Mercier Québec

Liberal

Pablo Rodriguez LiberalLeader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for Sherbrooke.

We are here in this House to discuss the motion moved by the hon. member for Beloeil—Chambly and leader of the Bloc Québécois on the October crisis. This motion brings us back to a sad and tragic period in our history. In fact, it brings back painful memories and also makes us say: never again. It makes us realize how far we have come while reminding us how privileged we are to live in this society that chose democracy, dialogue and respect for differences.

Let me preface my remarks by telling the House about something a little more personal. I arrived in Quebec a few years before the October crisis. We arrived in Quebec as political refugees. My father was a candidate for governor and a lawyer who represented countless political prisoners who in fact were student leaders or union leaders who were against the regime at the time. My father was jailed and tortured. A bomb was placed in our home. All of us were injured: my father, my mother, my sister Juliana, who was 2, my sister Monica, who was 4, and I was 7. We knew it was a matter of time before we would be killed. We knew it. It was clear.

We left Argentina to take refuge in Canada, in Quebec. I actually grew up in Sherbrooke. At the time, we said it was more than just a city. We were adopted by Quebec, by a democratic society, a society where issues are resolved through politics, not violence. I grew up like all Quebeckers of my generation, and Canadians, learning what happened during those years. People of my generation, even those born here, and I did not directly experience this dark chapter in our history.

That is why it is important that we take the time to reflect on everything that happened during those years, but also on what has happened since then, how far we have come as a society. I got involved in politics at a young age, very young. We debated sovereignty and independence all the time, at CEGEPs, universities, cafés, bars, but we debated with words. We debated in a civil, correct manner. Some people in my family are sovereignists. Some of my best friends are as well, and I love each and every one of them. We debated, we argued, and then we made up. That is how we do things back home in Quebec.

I applaud how the debates evolved, along with our ability to debate. A sign of a mature and responsible democracy is one that can go through difficult times, learn from those times and emerge stronger as a society. This is one of the reasons I am so proud to be a Quebecker.

The October crisis and the events leading up to it were the only time in the history of Quebec during which citizens turned to weapons, violence and terrorism for political gain. On the 50th anniversary of this crisis, the Bloc Québécois has decided to dredge up these sad events. The Bloc Québécois has every right to do so, but it has a moral and political obligation to rise above partisan debate and to share all of the facts.

I know that everyone here regrets the events that led to the October crisis in 1970. Everyone does. However, the Bloc Québécois's motion presents just one side of the story, and I find that incredibly sad. Yes, there were arrests, but we all know that is not the whole story. That period was marked by many other tragedies.

On Saturday, October 10, 1970, at 6:18 p.m., Pierre Laporte was playing with his nephew on his front lawn. That was the last time his family saw him alive. Why does the Bloc Québécois not mention this? Why is it ignoring the assassination of this man, who was an MNA and a minister, but above all, a son, father and husband?

I would like us to remember Wilfred Vincent O’Neil, a 65-year-old veteran who died when a bomb exploded behind the building where he worked as a night watchman.

I would also like us to remember Mr. McWilliams and Mr. Pinish, who were killed by a group of FLQ members during an armed robbery at a gun store. I would like us to take a moment to remember Thérèse Morin, a 64-year-old woman who was killed by a bomb planted at the factory where she worked, and Jeanne d’Arc Saint-Germain, who was killed when a bomb went off at National Defence headquarters in Ottawa.

It is sad to see that the Bloc motion does not condemn these crimes that led to the October Crisis in 1970. Moreover, this is not the only oversight in the Bloc Québécois motion.

I read a copy of the letter that Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa wrote to the Prime Minister of Canada requesting that he bring in the Canadian army. Here is an excerpt:

Under the circumstances, on behalf of the Government of Quebec, I request that emergency powers be provided as soon as possible so that more effective steps may be taken. I request particularly that such powers encompass the authority to apprehend and keep in custody individuals who, the Attorney General of Quebec has valid reasons to believe, are determined to overthrow the government through violence and illegal means.

This letter was written by the Premier of Quebec. He asked the Government of Canada to intervene, which it did.

I will now come back to the Bloc Québécois motion. The motion calls for an apology, but it ignores many of the facts and much of our history. As I said earlier, the events that led to the October crisis are sad, tragic and deplorable, and the motion does not reflect that. In fact, it does not even mention those events. This is one of the reasons why we cannot support this motion.

Nobody wants another October crisis. In order to prevent history from repeating itself, it must be addressed in its entirety—its beauty and its ugliness—without erasing the things we refuse to acknowledge. The Bloc's motion presents a partial account of the events and history. We cannot ignore the death of Pierre Laporte, nor can we ignore the other victims and the pain inflicted on their families. This is not a mere historical detail that we can allow ourselves to forget. Furthermore, we cannot ignore the climate of violence at the time, nor can we ignore that the Government of Canada answered the premier of Quebec's request.

Today, the Bloc is trying to rewrite history in an effort to make it fit the party's ideology. With all due respect to the leader of the Bloc Québécois, his account of history is incomplete. We will not indulge in the partisan politics that seek to divide Quebeckers. We will not do that out of respect for the victims, their families and all Quebeckers. I have a deep love for Quebec, and I am convinced that my Bloc Québécois colleagues do as well. To love Quebec is not to divide Quebeckers. Quite the opposite, it is to unite them.

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:45 a.m.

Conservative

Gérard Deltell Conservative Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for his very touching speech.

Few people know his personal story. If there is one person who knows what terrorism means, that is the government leader, since he experienced it in all its ugliness during his childhood.

His testimony is more powerful than any other here. I want to thank him for sharing it with us.

My colleague is quite right to say that the Bloc Québécois motion conceals many elements regarding the October crisis in 1970. In his opinion, why did the Bloc Québécois decide to leave out historical facts?

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:45 a.m.

Liberal

Pablo Rodriguez Liberal Honoré-Mercier, QC

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for his question.

I ask myself the same question. Why did the Bloc Québécois choose to hide this part of our history? It is part of a whole. The events of October 1970 are the continuation of everything that happened before, whether it was the death of so many people, the bombs planted everywhere, the wounded, the dead, the kidnappings, an assassination, the torn families, the grieving families or the suffering society. Why did they not talk about that?

Opposition Motion—Prime Minister's Official ApologyBusiness of SupplyGovernment Orders

10:45 a.m.

Bloc

Claude DeBellefeuille Bloc Salaberry—Suroît, QC

Mr. Speaker, I thank the government House leader for his speech. I think it was written before he heard the speech by the leader of the Bloc Québécois, who strongly condemned the acts of terrorism committed in October 1970. However, the spirit of the motion today has to do with the citizens who were unfairly and arbitrarily arrested. I want to take a moment to name some of them. These people did nothing and did not commit a crime, but they were arrested and had machine guns pointed at them. There was an interesting account today in Le Devoir.

What does the government House leader have to say to Steve Albert, Richard Amyot, Claude Anctil, Lise André, Jean-Luc Arène, Michel Aubé, Claude Auclair, Élaine Audette, Florent Audette, Lise Balcer, Marcel Barbeau, Robert Barbeau, Louise-Francine Barsalou and René Bataille?

I could name another 500 people who were unfairly and arbitrarily imprisoned because they did not share the same ideology as the federal government. I am not denying that acts of terrorism took place, but I want to know why the government will not apologize to these people it treated unfairly and arbitrarily.

What does the member have to say to these people who are now calling on the government to apologize and acknowledge this historical wrong?