House of Commons Hansard #83 of the 43rd Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was budget.

Topics

Public Services and ProcurementOral Questions

3:10 p.m.

Oakville Ontario

Liberal

Anita Anand LiberalMinister of Public Services and Procurement

Mr. Speaker, as I have reiterated in the House today, we are exceeding our targets. We received 3.5 million more vaccines into the country in Q1, and we will be at 48 million to 50 million vaccines prior to the end of Q2.

I will remind hon. members that we bring the vaccines into the country and the provinces are responsible for their distribution. We have brought 12.7 million vaccines into the country and 10 million or so of those vaccines have been distributed.

We will continue to bring vaccines in by the millions, as the agreement with Pfizer we announced last week suggests, and we will work with our provinces and territories to make sure all Canadians who wish to have access to a vaccine have that access.

Public SafetyOral Questions

3:10 p.m.

Liberal

Jaime Battiste Liberal Sydney—Victoria, NS

Mr. Speaker, yesterday, people across my home province of Nova Scotia came together to remember the lives of those who were taken from us far too soon. Despite all the hurt and pain, we remain Nova Scotia strong. As we continue to grieve together, we are thankful for the support we have received from Canadians. Their kindness and generosity will not be forgotten.

Today, we remember those 22 lives and the many others who continue to live with this pain. Could the Minister of Public Safety please speak to this further?

Public SafetyOral Questions

3:10 p.m.

Scarborough Southwest Ontario

Liberal

Bill Blair LiberalMinister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the member for Sydney—Victoria as well as acknowledge all my Nova Scotia colleagues for their strong advocacy, compassion and leadership in this terrible time of tragedy.

Today, we mark the tragic anniversary of the mass shooting that took the lives of 22 of our fellow Canadians. The families, friends and communities that lost loved ones in this terrible tragedy remain in our hearts and prayers. I also want to take the opportunity to assure them that the memory of their tragic loss will serve to deepen our collective resolve to get the answers the families require through the independent public inquiry and to ensure we take every step necessary to ensure this never happens again.

Marine TransportationOral Questions

3:10 p.m.

NDP

Taylor Bachrach NDP Skeena—Bulkley Valley, BC

Mr. Speaker, on February 11, the tugboat Ingenika sank near Kitimat, claiming the lives of Troy Pearson and Charlie Cragg. This tragic incident has brought to light the lack of regulations for tugboats below 15 tonnes. Workers have shared stories of poor maintenance, inadequate training and tugs operating in unsafe conditions.

We must use the lessons from this tragedy to improve safety for all tugboat crews working on our coasts. Will the minister commit to immediate action so that every worker who goes to sea comes home safely to their family?

Marine TransportationOral Questions

3:15 p.m.

Mississauga Centre Ontario

Liberal

Omar Alghabra LiberalMinister of Transport

Mr. Speaker, our hearts go out to the families of those that have suffered in that accident. My department and I, along with my colleague, the Minister of Fisheries and Oceans, are working together on addressing the situation.

I look forward to my colleague's input as to how we can move forward.

Airline IndustryOral Questions

3:15 p.m.

Liberal

Marwan Tabbara Liberal Kitchener South—Hespeler, ON

Mr. Speaker, travel agents in my constituency express their worry that they would have to return thousands of dollars in commission if airlines were required to pay out refunds to travellers for tickets unused or cancelled because of the pandemic. Could the minister please explain how the recent agreement with Air Canada will impact travel agents?

Airline IndustryOral Questions

3:15 p.m.

Mississauga Centre Ontario

Liberal

Omar Alghabra LiberalMinister of Transport

Mr. Speaker, last week, we announced an agreement with Air Canada that refunds passengers, protects jobs, restores routes and protects travel agents. We are in the middle of discussions with other airlines to offer the same benefits. I look forward to hearing the outcome of these discussions soon, but air travellers are an integral part of these discussions.

Victims of Nova Scotia TragedyOral Questions

3:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

Following discussions among representatives of all parties in the House, I understand that there is an agreement to observe a moment of silence.

I now invite the House to rise and observe a minute of silence in memory of the victims of the tragic event that happened a year ago in Nova Scotia.

[A moment of silence observed]

The House resumed from April 15 consideration of the motion that Bill C-15, An Act respecting the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, be read the second time and referred to a committee.

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

It being 3:18 p.m., pursuant to order made on Monday, January 25, the House will now proceed to the taking of the deferred recorded division on the motion at the second reading stage of Bill C-15.

Call in the members.

(The House divided on the motion, which was agreed to on the following division:)

Vote #93

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

I declare the motion carried. Accordingly, the bill stands referred to the Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs.

(Motion agreed to, bill read the second time and referred to a committee)

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

Yvonne Jones Liberal Labrador, NL

Mr. Speaker, I rise today on a point of order and ask the member for Nunavut to apologize for her comments made on Twitter over the weekend.

In response to an indigenous politics post, she said that I am not an Inuk. This member has no right to question my culture or indigenous identity. It is a violation of my honesty and integrity as a parliamentarian. I ask the member to respect all indigenous people in Canada, to apologize for her statement and stop committing racial erosion against our culture. It is attitudes like this that have set Inuit back decades in modern society. I ask that she stand and apologize for her comment and withdraw it on Twitter.

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

I thank the hon. member for her comments and her input. Unfortunately, the Speaker does not have jurisdiction over what goes on outside of the chamber. I am going to have to leave it at that.

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:30 p.m.

NDP

Charlie Angus NDP Timmins—James Bay, ON

Mr. Speaker, on a point of order, I want to be very clear from your ruling. I did see that exchange on Twitter and the question was about whether the Liberals had been meeting with mining companies and telling the truth. I am very concerned that this attack on the member for Nunavut has been made in the House when we know that Twitter is a separate issue.

Is the Speaker saying that it is not his jurisdiction to intervene in Twitter spats with members online?

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

I am afraid if the Speaker had to make rulings on everything that was said on social media, we would not have time for much else. No. The member for Timmins—James Bay is correct that what goes on in the chamber gets ruled on by the Speaker, and not what goes on in social media.

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

Yvonne Jones Liberal Labrador, NL

Mr. Speaker, on a point of order—

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ActGovernment Orders

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

We are getting into debate here. I do not want to move into debate, so we will move on unless another point of order or a question of privilege is being claimed. If not, then we will go on.

Procedure and House AffairsCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

Ruby Sahota Liberal Brampton North, ON

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Orders 104 and 114, I have the honour to present, in both official languages, the 15th report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs regarding the membership of committees of the House. If the House gives its consent, I intend to move concurrence in the 15th report later this day.

Companies' Creditors Arrangement ActRoutine Proceedings

3:35 p.m.

Liberal

Paul Lefebvre Liberal Sudbury, ON

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-288, An Act to amend the Companies’ Creditors Arrangement Act.

Mr. Speaker, I am introducing my private member's bill, which would amend the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act, CCAA, by simply adding publicly funded post-secondary institutions to the companies excluded from CCAA protection. It is seconded by my colleague, the MP for Nickel Belt.

As members of the House know, Laurentian University filed for protection under the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act on February 1.

As a result, it has been a long and difficult two months for the Laurentian University community, for Sudbury and for Northern Ontario.

As a Sudburian, I was shocked by the scope and depth of the cuts announced last Monday. I spoke to students, professors and staff about the cuts and about the devastating effects they will have on the entire community.

The fact that the Laurentian University administration felt that it had to cut more than 188 professors and staff and dozens upon dozens of academic programs, and that it had to throw thousands of students into chaos right in the middle of their exam period by using the CCAA process to salvage Laurentian University, demonstrates the need to amend the CCAA. This restructuring process was not created for such an institution or, obviously, such an outcome.

Until now, it was reasonable to assume that the provincial governments responsible for these institutions would ensure that their finances did not get out of control, but unfortunately, here we are. What is happening at Laurentian University should never be allowed to happen at any other university or college in Canada.

In my opinion, it is clear that the CCAA process was never intended to be used by publicly funded institutions in this way. With this bill, I want to guarantee that no other publicly funded post-secondary institutions in Canada, nor their students, professors or communities, suffer in the way that our Laurentian University community is suffering right now, and that provincial governments finally ensure the oversight and proper funding of our publicly funded post-secondary institutions.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Procedure and House AffairsCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

3:40 p.m.

Liberal

Ruby Sahota Liberal Brampton North, ON

Mr. Speaker, if the House gives its consent, I move that the 15th report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, presented to the House earlier this day, be concurred in.

(Motion agreed to)

FinanceCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

3:40 p.m.

Conservative

Pierre Poilievre Conservative Carleton, ON

Mr. Speaker, I move that the first report of the Standing Committee on Finance, presented on Tuesday, February 16, 2021, be concurred in.

The Prime Minister is spending Canada's tomorrow on his today. Here we are, with another record-breaking deficit. In fact, in the last two years alone, the government will have added roughly half a trillion dollars to Canada's national debt. With the fiscal program laid out, we will see the Prime Minister having added more debt than all of the previous prime ministers going back to Confederation combined.

The Prime Minister might take delight in the present-day experience of all of his spending. Yesterday is history, tomorrow is a mystery, today is a gift, and that is why they call it a present. He might not worry about what is to come. He might say the mystery of tomorrow will find out its answers when we get there.

How can we predict what all of this debt will mean tomorrow? The only way to see into the future is to look to the past.

Let us look at the example of the most prescient, prophetic political leader of all time: Winston Churchill. In the early 1930s, he predicted World War II while most were blind to German aggression. In 1946, while most still believed that they could maintain the wartime pact with Stalin well into the post-war period, he arrived at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri and gave his famous “Iron Curtain speech”, predicting the Cold War that would define the following half century.

Not only that, but in Maclean's magazine in 1931, he wrote some very prescient language about technology, with which we can all relate today. He said:

Wireless telephones and television, upon their present path of development, would enable their owner to connect up to any room similarly installed and hear and take part in the conversation as well as if he put his head in through the window. The congregation of men in cities would become superfluous.... There would be no more object in living in the same city with one’s neighbor than there is today in living with him in the same house. The cities and the countryside would become indistinguishable.

Now, as we are all entering the Zoom world, where people are living in the countryside and doing work that was formerly done congregated together, we can see the incredible prophecies of Winston Churchill, who predicted everything that we would call today the iPad, the smart phone, the Zoom and the Skype.

How did he make these kinds of predictions 90 years before they would happen? The answer is, as he put it when he advised young people at one commencement ceremony, study history, history, history. He wrote 52 volumes of Nobel Prize-winning literature, almost all of it on history. He said there was a methodology for seeing the future. Here is what he wrote it would be:

There are two processes which we adopt consciously or unconsciously when we try to prophesy. We can seek a period in the past whose conditions resemble as closely as possible those of our day, and presume that the sequel to that period will, save for some minor alterations, be repeated. Secondly, we can survey the general course of development in our immediate past, and endeavour to prolong it into the...future.

In other words, look back in order to see forward. We can do the very same thing about economics. Thankfully, Dr. Rogoff and Dr. Reinhart from Harvard University have condensed 800 years of financial and debt history into five leading indicators for a forthcoming debt crisis. Do they apply to Canada? I will quickly go through them.

One is declining output. Last year, our GDP dropped $120 billion, check.

Two is large and sustained current account deficits. That means we buy more from the world than we sell to the world. We have had that for the last five years as well, amounting to $300 billion of current account deficits, check.

Third is asset price inflation. Anybody who has tried to buy a house lately knows we have that. House prices are up somewhere around 25% in the same year when the income with which our economy buys those houses has dropped. In fact, Toronto and Vancouver are two of the most expensive housing markets on planet earth, two of the 10 most expensive, to be precise, so yes, we have asset price inflation, check.

The next thing we have is rising household leverage. We have $1.75 of debt for every dollar of take-home pay, which is the highest ratio in the G7, and a near record in Canadian history, check.

Finally, there is a rise in overall debt across the economy, which I think we can all agree is true. Last year, the deficit was equal to 17% of GDP, which is the largest single deficit we have ever had outside of the Second World War. In fact, as a share of GDP, it is twice the size it was in World War I, three times the size it was in the Great Depression and four times the size it was in the great global recession.

The only time it was ever bigger was in the middle of the Second World War, when we were fighting imperial Japan, the Nazis and the Mussolini's fascists. Other than that period, we have experienced record levels of debt increase in this short period of time.

Therefore, we have the fifth and final leading indicator based on historical experience of a forthcoming debt crisis, according to these two distinguished economists who have done exhaustive research, case by case over eight centuries. All five of those rules are checked in this case.

Some will say that this time is different. This time we will be able to break all of the rules of public finance and have nothing go wrong because we have Skype. We have new technology, and we have Twitter. We can do all the things that were mathematically impossible throughout all of history. This time it is different.

It turns out that Reinhart and Rogoff named their book This Time Is Different because, every single time there is a debt crisis, in the years leading up to it, politicians say that this time is different. Let me quote them:

The essence of this-time-is-different syndrome is simple. It is rooted in the firmly held belief that financial crises are things that happen to other people in other countries at other times; crises do not happen to us here and now. We are doing things better, we are smarter, we have learned from our past mistakes. The old rules of valuation no longer apply. Unfortunately, a highly leveraged economy can unwittingly be sitting with its back at the edge of a financial cliff for many years before chance and circumstance provokes a crisis of confidence that pushes it off.

We ask ourselves if we are, again, sitting with our backs at the edge of that cliff. As I said at the outset, we need to look back in order to see forward. Have we been here before? It turns out that we have, but they were totally different circumstances. For example, back then, the prime minister's name was Trudeau, and he was running a deficit of 11% of GDP. Right now, we have a Prime Minister by the same name, and he is running a deficit from last year of 17% of GDP. That is totally different.

Back then, Pierre Elliott Trudeau sent the Bank of Canada on a money-printing spree to pay for all of his spending, and the money supply, M2, grew by 15%, but now it is totally different. Money supply has only gone up 13% under completely different circumstances. Why do we keep going back to the past like that? Next, back then, federal government spending had gone over the 20% mark. Now it is almost 30%. It is completely different.

The government, as a share of the economy, is a third bigger now than it was back then. With all the same ingredients put in the pot, we expect to come away with a different stew. The reality is that history repeats itself. When we do the same things over and over and expect a different result, we are carrying out the very definition of insanity.

What happened as a result of the debt crisis of Pierre Elliott Trudeau in the early 1980s when he ran deficits of over 10% of GDP, increased the money supply in just one year by 15% and had a federal government alone that consumed more than a fifth of the economy? Well, we had something called “stagflation”, the stagflation crisis of the early 1980s.

What was the human cost of that crisis? There were 650,000 more people in poverty by 1984 than were in poverty in 1980, a 25% increase in poverty in just four years. Inflation hit a nearly half-century high of 12% and unemployment hit an all-time high also of 12%. There was an all-time high in interest rates with the bank overnight lending rate hitting 18%. Can the Speaker imagine interest rates of 18%? He is far too young to remember all the way back to that time.

When we combine inflation and unemployment, as economists do, they add one to the other to create something called the “misery index”, which is the amount by which consumer prices are rising and the percentage of the people who are without jobs. It reached 24%, again an all-time high. There is something very tragic about a high misery index.

When people's costs go up and their salaries go down, their desperation rises and often they end their own misery. In the year 1983, under Pierre Elliott Trudeau and the policies we see replicated now, the suicide rate hit 14.8 per 100,000, the single highest suicide rate in Canadian history before or since. When things get miserable enough, people have a tendency, tragically, to end their misery.

We know from economic data around the world that financial crises can be lethal. For one, according to Rogoff and Reinhart, they see a drop in housing prices of one-third, which means people's homes are worth less than their mortgages, meaning they cannot possibly ever pay off their mortgages and must default with enormous losses that cascade across the economy. Because they have no net equity, they cannot find a place to live.

Unemployment rises by seven percentage points in the average financial crisis. According to the University of Calgary, in Canada, for every one percentage point increase in the unemployment rate, we get a two percentage point increase in the suicide rate. In financial crises that happened across Asia, for example, in 1997, there were 10,000 excess suicides that occurred.

In the great global recession, the great recession of the 2008-09 period, there were also another 10,000 additional economic suicides reported by the British Journal of Psychiatry. There is an abundance of scholarly evidence that financial crises destroy not only people's livelihoods, bank accounts and their net worth, but also force many to do the most desperate of deeds, and that is exactly what we need to avoid.

History also gives us reason for hope, and let me look back at another part of our history. As I said at the outset, only once in history has the deficit in Canada been bigger than it was last year, and that was in the middle of the Second World War. Our men and women returned from the battlefield having this enormous debt, and what did they do? They immediately worked to pay it off.

By 1947, the federal government was running the single biggest budget surplus as a share of GDP in Canadian history: 5% of GDP. That would be the equivalent of a surplus of over $100 billion today were it matched relative to our economy now. As well, from the end of the war to 1973, our economy grew from $12 billion to $128 billion. That is economic growth of 1,000%, literally a 1,000% in the size of our nominal economy.

Our ancestors returned from the battlefields and went to the farm fields and factories and unleashed a torrent of production at the same time as they exercised good, responsible management. They had fought for our freedom, and then they returned to fight for our finances, and they basically vaporized the debt.

It is true that in this period there was a phenomenal growth in the industrial power of our economic system. New machinery was invented that allowed our factories, our mines, our warehouses and our transportation systems to crank out far more goods and services for our people than ever before, but, happily, the same is now occurring with technology. We are experiencing another industrial technological revolution that can empower the same kind of productive enhancements, but it will take change and it will take an effort to secure our future.

We need to unleash the free enterprise system, restore industry and frugality at the same time, so that our incomes can outpace our debts, so that we can replace a credit card economy with a paycheque economy, so that our people can be confident in their ability to pay down their mortgages and our governments to pay down their debts, so that our programs upon which our most vulnerable rely will always have a solid financial footing, and so that our hard-working public servants can continue to draw the salaries that they deserve. This is what it means to secure our future.

Unfortunately, we have a government that is focused exclusively on the myopia of the here and now, taking incredible risks as we sit on the edge of this debt cliff. It does not have to be this way, because, just as our history tells us of the folly of the past, it tells us about the hope for the future. We, in this party, will build upon that hope and stand on the shoulders of our ancestors who gave us this mighty and great country and let us keep Canada strong and free.

FinanceCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

4 p.m.

Liberal

The Speaker Liberal Anthony Rota

I thank the hon. member. This is the end of the time, as we are moving into the budget, which should start momentarily. When we do return, the hon. member will have 10 minutes of questions and comments coming to him when we resume debate.

It being 4:05 p.m., it is my duty to interrupt the proceedings on the motion. Debate is therefore deferred to a future sitting.

The House will now proceed to the consideration of Ways and Means Proceedings No. 2 concerning the budget presentation.

Financial Statement of Minister of FinanceThe BudgetGovernment Orders

4:05 p.m.

University—Rosedale Ontario

Liberal

Chrystia Freeland LiberalDeputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance

moved:

That this House approve in general the budgetary policy of the government.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 83(1), I would like to table, in both official languages, the budget documents for 2021, including the notices of ways and means motions.

The details of the measures are included in these documents.

Pursuant to Standing Order 83(2), I am requesting that an order of the day be designated for consideration of these motions.

I would like to begin by taking a moment to mourn the tragedy in Nova Scotia a year ago yesterday. We grieve with the families and friends of the 22 people who were killed, and all Nova Scotians.

This is also a day when people across Canada are fighting the most virulent wave of the virus we have experienced so far. Health care workers in many provinces are struggling to keep ICUs from overflowing and millions of Canadians are facing stringent new restrictions.

We are all tired, frustrated and even afraid, but we will get through this. We will do it together.

This budget is about finishing the fight against COVID. It is about healing the economic wounds left by the COVID recession. And it is about creating more jobs and prosperity for Canadians in the days—and decades—to come.

It is about meeting the urgent needs of today and about building for the long term. It is a budget focused on middle-class Canadians and on pulling more Canadians up into the middle class. It is a plan that embraces this moment of global transformation to a green, clean economy.

This budget addresses three fundamental challenges.

First, we need to conquer COVID. That means buying vaccines and supporting provincial and territorial health care systems. It means enforcing our quarantine rules at the border and within the country. It means providing Canadians and Canadian businesses with the support they need to get through these tough third wave lockdowns and to come roaring back when the economy fully reopens.

Second, we must punch our way out of the COVID recession. That means ensuring lost jobs are recovered as swiftly as possible and hard-hit businesses rebound quickly. It means providing support where COVID has struck the hardest to women, to young people, to low-wage workers and to small and medium-sized businesses, especially in tourism and hospitality.

The final challenge is to build a more resilient Canada: better, more fair, more prosperous and more innovative. That means investing in Canada's green transition and the green jobs that go with it, in Canada's digital transformation and Canadian innovation, and in building infrastructure for a dynamic growing country. It means providing Canadians with social infrastructure from early learning and child care to student grants and income top-ups, so that the middle class can flourish and more Canadians can join it.

Our elders have been this virus's principal victims. The pandemic has preyed on them mercilessly, ending thousands of lives and forcing all seniors into fearful isolation. We have failed so many of those living in long-term care facilities. To them, and to their families, let me say this: I am so sorry. We owe you so much better than this.

That is why we propose a $3-billion investment to help ensure that provinces and territories provide a high standard of care in their long-term care facilities.

And we are delivering today on our promise to increase old age security for Canadians 75 and older.

Our government has been urgently procuring vaccines since last spring and providing them at no cost to Canadians. Nearly 10 million Canadians have received at least one dose of vaccine. By the end of September, Canada will have received 100 million doses, enough to fully vaccinate every adult Canadian.

We need to be ready for new variants of COVID, and we must have the booster shots that will allow us to keep them in check. That is why we are rebuilding our national biomanufacturing capacity so that we can make these vaccines here in Canada. Canada has brilliant scientists and entrepreneurs. We will support them with an investment of $2.2 billion in biomanufacturing and life sciences.

When COVID first hit, it pushed our country into its deepest recession since the Great Depression. But this is an economic shock of a very particular kind. We are not suffering because of endogenous flaws or imbalances within our economy. Rather, the COVID recession is driven by an entirely external event—like the economic devastation of a flood, blizzard, wildfire or other natural disaster. That is why an essential part of Canada's fight against COVID has been unprecedented federal support for Canadians and Canadian businesses.

We knew Canadians needed a lifeline to get through the COVID storm. And our approach has worked. Canada's GDP grew by almost 10% in the fourth quarter of last year. We will continue to do whatever it takes. Our government is prepared to extend support measures, as long as the fight against this virus requires.

As Canada pivots to recovery, our economic plan will, too.

We promised last year to spend up to $100 billion over three years to get Canada back to work and to ensure the lives and prospects of Canadians were not permanently stunted by this pandemic recession. This budget keeps that promise. All together, we will create nearly 500,000 new training and work experience opportunities for Canadians. We will fulfill our throne speech commitment to create one million jobs by the end of this year.

Some people will say that our sense of urgency is misplaced. Some will say that we are spending too much. I ask them this. Did they lose their jobs during a COVID lockdown? Were they reluctantly let go by their small business employers that were like a family to them but simply could not afford their salary any longer? Are they worried that they will be laid off in this third wave? Are they mothers who were forced to quit the dream job they fought to get because there was no way to keep working while caring for their young children? Did they graduate last spring and are still struggling to find work? Is their family business, launched perhaps by their parents, which they hope to pass on to their children, now struggling under a sudden burden of debt and fending off bankruptcy through sheer grit and determination every day?

If COVID has taught us anything, it is that we are all in this together. Our country cannot prosper if we leave hundreds of thousands of Canadians behind.

The world has learned the lesson of 2009, the cost of allowing economic hardship to fester. In some countries, democracy itself has been threatened by that mistake. We will not let that happen in Canada.

About 300,000 Canadians who had a job before the pandemic are still out of work. More Canadians may lose their jobs in this month's lockdowns. To support Canadian workers as we fight the third wave, and to provide an economic bridge to a fully recovered economy, we will build on the enhancements we have made during the pandemic.

We will maintain flexible access to EI benefits for another year, until the fall of 2022. The Canada recovery benefit, which we created to support Canadians not covered by EI, will remain in place through September 25 and extend an additional 12 weeks of benefits to Canadians. As our economy fully reopens over the summer, the benefit amount will go to $300 a week, after July 17.

Low-wage workers in Canada work harder than anyone else in this country, for less pay. In the past year they have faced both significant infection risks and layoffs. And many live below the poverty line, even though they work full-time. We cannot ignore their contribution and their hardship—and we will not. We propose to expand the Canada workers benefit, to invest $8.9 billion over six years in additional support for low-wage workers—extending income top-ups to about a million more Canadians and lifting nearly 100,000 people out of poverty. And this budget will introduce a $15-an-hour federal minimum wage.

COVID has exposed the dangerous inadequacy of sickness benefits in Canada. We will do our part and fulfill our campaign commitment by extending the EI sickness benefit from 15 to 26 weeks.

We know the pandemic has exacerbated systemic barriers faced by racialized Canadians, so budget 2021 provides additional funding for the Black entrepreneurship program as well as an investment in a Black-led philanthropic endowment fund to help fight anti-Black racism and improve social and economic outcomes in Black communities.

One of the most striking aspects of the pandemic has been the historic sacrifice young Canadians have made to protect their parents and grandparents. Our youth have paid a high price to keep the rest of us safe. We cannot, and will not, allow young Canadians to become a lost generation. They need our support to launch their adult lives and careers in post-COVID Canada, and they will get it. We will invest $5.7 billion over five years in Canada's youth; we will make college and university more accessible and affordable; we will create job openings in skilled trades and high-tech industries; and we will double the Canada student grant for two more years while extending the waiver of interest on federal student loans through March 2030. More than 350,000 low-income student borrowers will also have access to more generous repayment assistance.

COVID has brutally exposed something women have long known. Without child care, parents, usually mothers, cannot work. The closing of our schools and day cares drove women's participation in the labour force down to its lowest level in more than two decades. Early learning and child care has long been a feminist issue. COVID has shown us that it is an urgent economic issue too.

I was two years old when the Royal Commission on the Status of Women urged Canada to establish a universal system of early learning and child care. My mother was one of Canada's redoubtable second wave of feminists who fought and, outside Quebec, failed to make that recommendation a reality. A generation after that, Paul Martin and Ken Dryden tried again.

This half-century of struggle is a testament to the difficulty and complexity of the task, but this time we are going to do it. This budget is the map and the trailhead. There is agreement across the political spectrum that early learning and child care is the national economic policy we need now. This is social infrastructure that will drive jobs and growth. This is feminist economic policy. This is smart economic policy. That is why this budget commits up to $30 billion over five years, reaching $9.2 billion every year permanently, to build a high quality, affordable and accessible early learning and child care system across Canada.

This is not an effort that will deliver instant gratification. We are building something that, of necessity, must be constructed collaboratively and for the long term, but I have confidence in us. I have confidence that we are a country that believes in investing in our future, in our children and in our young parents.

Here is our goal: five years from now, parents across the country should have access to high quality early learning and child care for an average of $10 a day. I make this promise to Canadians today, speaking as their finance minister and as a working mother. We will get it done.

In making this historic commitment, I want to thank the visionary leaders of Quebec, particularly Quebec's feminists, who have shown the rest of Canada the way forward. This plan will, of course, also provide additional resources to Quebec, which might well use them to further support an early learning and child care system that is already the envy of the rest of Canada and, indeed, much of the world.

Small businesses are the vital heart of our economy and they have been the hardest hit by the lockdowns. Healing the wounds of COVID requires a rescue plan for them.

Budget 2021 proposes to extend the wage subsidy, rent subsidy and lockdown support for businesses and other employers until September 25, 2021, for an estimated total of $12.1 billion in additional support. To help the hardest-hit businesses pivot back to growth, we propose a new Canada recovery hiring program, which will run from June to November and will provide $595 million to make it easier for businesses to hire back laid-off workers or to bring on new ones.

However, our government will do much more than execute a rescue. With this budget, we will make unprecedented investments in Canada's small businesses, helping them to invest in new technologies and innovation. We will invest up to $4 billion to help up to 160,000 small and medium-sized businesses buy and adopt the new technologies they need to grow.

The Canada digital adoption program will provide businesses with the advice and help they need to get the most out of these new technologies by training 28,000 young Canadians, a Canadian technology corps, and sending them out to work with our small and medium-sized businesses. This groundbreaking program will help Canadian small businesses go digital and become more competitive and efficient.

Increased funding for the venture capital catalyst initiative will help provide financing to innovative Canadian businesses, so they can grow.

We will also encourage businesses to invest in themselves. We will allow immediate expensing of up to $1.5 million of eligible investments by Canadian-controlled private corporations in each of the next three years. These larger deductions will support 325,000 businesses in making critical investments and will represent $2.2 billion in total savings to them over the next five years.

Building for the future means investing in innovation and entrepreneurs, so we propose to invest in the next phase of the pan-Canadian artificial intelligence strategy and to launch similar strategies in genomics and quantum science, areas where Canada is a global leader.

In 2021, job growth means green growth. This budget sets out a plan to help achieve GHG emissions reductions of 36% from 2005 levels by 2030 and puts us on a path to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050. It puts in place the funding to achieve our 25% land and marine conservation targets by 2025.

By making targeted investments in transformational technologies, we can ensure that Canada benefits from the next wave of global investment and growth.

The resource and manufacturing sectors that are Canada's traditional economic pillars—energy, mining, agriculture, forestry, steel, aluminum, autos, aerospace—will be the foundation of our new, resilient and sustainable economy. Canada will become more productive and competitive by supplying the green exports the world wants and needs.

That is why we propose a historic investment of a further $5 billion over seven years, starting in 2021-22, in the net zero accelerator. With this added support, on top of the $3 billion we committed in December, the net zero accelerator will help even more companies invest to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions, while growing their businesses.

We will propel a green transition through new tax measures, including for zero-emissions technology, carbon capture and storage, and green hydrogen. We are at a pivotal moment in the green transformation. We can lead or we can be left behind. Our government knows that the only choice for Canada is to be in the vanguard.

Our growing population is one of our great economic strengths and a growing country needs to build. We need to build housing. We need to build public transit. We need to build broadband. We need to build infrastructure. We will. We will invest $2.5 billion, and reallocate $1.3 billion in existing funding, to help build, repair and support 35,000 housing units. We will support the conversion to housing of the empty office space that has appeared in our downtown areas by reallocating $300 million from the rental construction financing initiative.

Houses should not be passive investment vehicles for offshore money. They should be homes for Canadian families. Therefore, on January 1, 2022, our government will introduce Canada's first national tax on vacant property owned by non-resident non-Canadians.

Strong, sustained growth also depends on modern transit. That is why, in February, we announced $14.9 billion over eight years to build new public transit, electrify existing transit systems, and help to connect rural, remote and indigenous communities.

Therefore we are committing an additional $1 billion over six years for the universal broadband fund, to accelerate access to high-speed internet in rural and remote communities.

We intend to draw even more talented, highly skilled people to Canada, including international students. Investments in this budget will support an immigration system that is easier to navigate, more efficient and more efficient in welcoming the dynamic new Canadians who add to Canada's strength.

Our government has made progress in righting the historic wrongs in Canada's relationship with indigenous peoples, but we still have a lot of work ahead. It is important to note that indigenous peoples have led the way in battling COVID. Their success is a credit to indigenous leadership and self-governance.

We will invest more than $18 billion to further narrow gaps between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples, to support healthy, safe and prosperous indigenous communities and to advance reconciliation with first nations, Inuit and the Métis nation. We will invest more than $6 billion for infrastructure in indigenous communities and $2.2 billion to help end the national tragedy of missing and murdered indigenous women and girls.

This has been a year when we have learned that each of us truly is our brother's and our sister's keeper. Solidarity is getting us through this pandemic, and solidarity depends on each of us bearing our fair share of the collective burden. That is why, now more than ever, fairness in our tax system is essential.

To ensure our system is fair, this budget will invest in the fight against tax evasion, shine a light on beneficial ownership arrangements, and ensure that multinational corporations pay their fair share of tax in Canada.

Our government is committed to working with our partners at the OECD to find multilateral solutions to the dangerous race to the bottom in corporate taxation. That includes work to conclude a deal on taxing large digital services companies.

We are optimistic that such a deal can be reached this summer. Meanwhile, this budget reaffirms our government's commitment to impose such a tax unilaterally, until an acceptable multilateral approach comes into effect.

It is also fair to ask those who have prospered in this bleak year to do a little more to help those who still need help. That is why we are introducing a luxury tax on new cars and private aircraft worth more than $100,000 and pleasure boats worth more than $250,000.

This budget lives up to our promise to do whatever it takes to support Canadians in the fight against COVID, and it makes significant investments in our future. All of this costs a lot of money, so it is entirely appropriate to ask, “Can we afford it?” We can, and here is why.

First is because this is a budget that invests in growth. The best way to pay our debts is to grow our economy. The investments this budget makes in early learning and child care, in small businesses, in students, in innovation, in public transit, in housing, in broadband and in the green transition are all investments in jobs and growth. We are building Canada's social infrastructure and our physical infrastructure. We are building our human capital and our physical capital. Canada is a young, vast country with a tremendous capacity for growth. This budget would fuel that. These are investments in our future and they will yield great dividends. In fact, in today's low-interest rate environment, not only can we afford these investments, it would be shortsighted of us not to make them.

Second is because our decision last year to support Canadians is already paying off. Decisive action prevented economic scarring in our businesses and our households, allowing the Canadian economy to begin strongly rebounding from the COVID recession even before we finished our fight against the virus.

Third is because our government has a plan and we keep our promises. We said in the fall economic statement that we would invest up to $100 billion over three years to support Canada's economic recovery, and that is what we are outlining here today. We predicted a deficit for 2020-2021 of $381.6 billion. We have spent less than we provisioned for. Our deficit for 2020-2021 is $354.2 billion, below our forecast.

Finally, and crucially, we can afford this ambitious budget because the investments we propose today are responsible and sustainable.

We understand there are limits to our capacity to borrow and that the world will not write Canada any blank cheques. We do not expect any. This budget shows a declining debt-to-GDP ratio and a declining deficit, with the debt-to-GDP ratio falling to 49.2% by 2025-26 and the deficit falling to 1.1% of GDP.

These are important markers. They show that the extraordinary spending we have undertaken to support Canadians through this crisis and to stimulate a rapid recovery in jobs is temporary and finite. They also show that our proposed long-term investments will permanently boost Canada's economic capacity.

In 2015, this federal government was elected on a promise to help middle-class Canadians and people working hard to join the middle class. We promised to invest in workers and their prosperity, in long-term growth for all of us. And we did. Today, we meet a new challenge, the greatest our country has faced in a generation, with a renewed promise.

Opportunity is coming. Growth is coming. Jobs are coming. After a long, grim year, Canadians are ready to recover and rebuild. We will finish the fight against COVID. We will all get back to work, and we will come roaring back.

Financial Statement of Minister of FinanceThe BudgetGovernment Orders

4:40 p.m.

Conservative

Ed Fast Conservative Abbotsford, BC

Mr. Speaker, let me be the first to formally congratulate my colleague on becoming the first female finance minister to table a federal budget in this House. I will add that it is a remarkable accomplishment. It is long overdue, and I believe it defines a new role model for Canadian women across our country to aspire to. I send my congratulations to the minister.

I note the Prime Minister's mandate letter to the minister, dated January 15, called for her to present a “new fiscal anchor” to guide her work. The budget fails to do that. Instead, it contains vague references to a declining debt-to-GDP ratio starting two years from now. It turns out that was the Liberal government's old fiscal anchor, so there is nothing new about this one. In fact, her anchor does not even include measurable targets that would give Canadians the comfort of knowing their government understands the importance of proper debt management. All we have are references to the trajectory of the debt-to-GDP anchor.

My question is this: Why did the minister not deliver a new fiscal anchor the way the Prime Minister had directed her to do?