Debates of Oct. 6th, 2023

The House resumed consideration of the motion that Bill C-49, An Act to amend the Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Atlantic Accord Implementation Act and the Canada-Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and to make consequential amendments to other Acts, be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Atlantic Accord Implementation Act

[Rick Perkins, Conservative, South Shore—St. Margarets, NS]

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to speak to Bill C-49, an act that would amend the mandates of the Canada-Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Board and the Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Atlantic accord. The primary goal of this legislation is to provide for a new approval process for the development of oil and gas projects off Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and Labrador, as well as the mandates of these two boards.

When second reading of this bill started a week or so ago, Liberal MPs from Atlantic Canada thought they would use their speeches and the speeches of the official opposition to try to make this about some sort of strange “If one is not with the Liberals on Bill C-49, then one must be against Atlantic Canada” idea.

In fact, they came out of their caucus meeting and actually said that they think they could distract people after giving the Prime Minister all of this bad news about what we have been hearing in the summer. They thought they would come out of the caucus meeting and try to hold a shiny thing over here to see if their constituents would be distracted. The distraction attempt for Nova Scotians and Newfoundlanders and Labradorians was from the Liberals' failure to address the primary concern they heard over the summer from their communities: the cost of living.

There have been 24 times that all of them, except for one now, have voted to increase the cost of everything. One can almost hear the Liberals in their meetings saying that, maybe, if they talk about Bill C-49, people might forget that their home heating oil bills have more than doubled under the NDP-Liberals; that, maybe, if they talk about Bill C-49, all the complaints they heard from people in the summer, of having lost faith in this government and forcing the cost of everything up, might be forgotten; and that, maybe, all of the damage they have done to themselves and their constituents will be forgotten.

Just so everyone knows, it is tied to Bill C-49 because they were using that as a bright, shiny object to try to distract from those failures. What are those failures they are using Bill C-49 to try to distract from? I think they are actually best captured by the words of the member for Avalon. For those watching, the member for Avalon is a Liberal member of Parliament from Newfoundland. On the show Power and Politics, he said this, and let me start with this quote, as I think it is a great one: “I believe we have to change the way we're approaching the climate change incentive, whatever you want to call it. I think what we're using right now, at this point in time, is putting a bigger burden on people who are now struggling with an affordability crisis.” That affordability crisis, of course, is that which Conservatives have been talking about for the last year, and of which Liberal members of Parliament live in denial.

The Liberal member for Avalon goes on, on the program, to say, “I think [the carbon tax is] hurting them a fair bit”, with “them” being his constituents. He says, “Everywhere I go, people come up to me and say, ‘You know, we're losing faith in the Liberal Party.’ I've had people tell me they can't afford to buy groceries.” The Liberal member for Avalon then goes on to say, “They can't afford to heat their homes, and that's hard to hear from, especially, seniors who live alone and tell me they go around their house in the spring and wintertime with a blanket wrapped around them, because they can't afford the home heating fuel. They can't afford to buy beef or chicken.” We have been telling the Liberals that, yet they are trying to use Bill C-49 as a distraction from the day-to-day challenges they have caused Canadians.

The member for Avalon obviously had a private conversation with the Minister of Finance around this time. He said, “I told the minister, when she came to Newfoundland, about this, and she told me, she said, ‘I'm going to correct this. You're right.’” She actually said she is going to correct it. We are still waiting. Not only do they break promises to Canadians; they also break promises to their own backbenchers.

The Liberal member for Avalon goes on to say, “We can't keep adding on to expenses, and David,” which is the name of the host, “you know that everything in our province comes in by boat and truck. They burn fuel. Lots of it. That's the cost to bring it in, and it's going to be added to every item that gets on a store shelf somewhere.”

That is punishing anybody who goes to buy something, whether it is a chocolate bar or a tin of milk. It is anything. A piece of two-by-four will go up, which will make homes more expensive to build. I think our leader has been saying that for a year, and there has been nothing but deaf ears on the other side, except for one fellow who found religion after talking to his constituents for three months in the summer.

The same Liberal member went onto say, “I think they,” being the Liberals, “will lose seats not just in Newfoundland, not just in Atlantic Canada, but indeed right across the country if they don't get a grasp on this the way that I think they should”. It is interesting that he is calling his own party “they” as if he is not part of them anymore and had not voted 23 times before this for the carbon tax. Now, on the 24th time, he has changed his mind and flip-flopped. It is unusual for a Liberal to flip-flop.

He said “get a grasp on this the way that I think they should”. This one is hitting home to everybody I speak to and it is a grassroots issue. If an election were called today, I am not sure the Liberal Party would actually form the government. I am pretty sure that would not happen if an election were held today, and they would not be in government.

The hurt and pain that has been caused by the Liberals out there, because of their inflationary deficits and carbon tax, is causing a great deal of hardship that is not recognized by 157 Liberal members, and their cohorts in the NDP who support all of this, but the 158th member has finally got it. Maybe it will take another two years for the other Liberals to get it.

This is the counter to the bright, shiny distraction the Liberals are trying to do with Bill C-49. They are trying to make some crazy accusations about who supports Atlantic Canadians. Apparently, according to the member for Avalon, Liberals do not support Atlantic Canadians. He goes on to say, “And I know the government is pushing people to switch over to heat pumps.” We hear that all the time, including today from the member for Central Nova. He says, “Many homes, especially the older homes, are not designed for that. They are not built to sustain the heat from a heat pump, so I don't think it works.”

Quite frankly, to show how out of touch the member for Central Nova is with his bright, shiny $10,000 heat pumps that he is pushing for all the companies that he knows and likes in Nova Scotia, the fact is if someone is living on CPP, disability or a fixed income, they do not have $10,000 for a heat pump.

Apparently, in the golden world the Liberals live in with $200,000 vacations for the Prime Minister and the fancy world the member for Central Nova lives in with his chauffeured car as a minister, he thinks people on CPP, OAS and GIS can afford $10,000 out of their cash flow for a heat pump. The Liberals' disconnection from reality knows no bounds.

Finally, in that interview, in response to the issue of the messenger, the messenger being the Minister of Environment who believes orange is a very nice colour to wear, the member for Avalon said, “No, he is not”, meaning he is not the right messenger. “No, he's not, and because he's so entrenched in this, and I get it, I mean, where he came from and his whole idea of making a big difference in climate change, but you can't do it overnight. You can't make it more expensive on people than what they can handle, and that's exactly what's happening right now.”

The member from Atlantic Canada's request was that they actually increase the payments to people so that the revenue-neutral carbon tax, which they claim, would cost more out of the treasury. The solution for cancer was to give us more cancer. It was not to say that they were going to get at the root of the disease, and the root of the disease, the cause of this inflation, is the carbon tax. That is what they should be getting rid of.

Bill C-49, which they are trying to use as a distraction from this reality, includes a process to review renewable energy projects in the ocean. I can inform this House that while the NDP-Liberal government claims to support renewable energy projects in Atlantic Canada, the track record says that it actually does not do that. Over the decades, we have been trying in Nova Scotia to harness the enormous power of the Bay of Fundy tides to generate clean renewable electricity. There have been about half a dozen projects and hundreds of millions of private-sector dollars spent trying to figure out how to harness the Bay of Fundy tides. All but one project have failed. These are very large turbines. The projects that failed had these large turbines built and put on the floor of the Bay of Fundy. These turbines are about five storeys high.

For those members who do not know, the Bay of Fundy rises and falls every day by 52 feet. Twice each day, 160 billion tonnes of seawater flows in and out of the Bay of Fundy, which is more than the combined river flows of the world. The Bay of Fundy's tides transform the shorelines and tidal flats and expose the sea bottom as they flood into the bay and its harbours and estuaries. It is estimated that by 2040, the tidal energy of the Bay of Fundy could contribute up to $1.7 billion to Nova Scotia's GDP and create up to 22,000 jobs. That is almost as many people as work in our number-one industry, which is the fishery.

Besides the money, how big is that in terms of energy? Three hundred megawatts of tidal energy can power a quarter of all Nova Scotia homes. That is just a fraction of the Bay of Fundy's 2,500-megawatt potential. That means Nova Scotia could become a net exporter of clean renewable tidal power.

However, how are we doing on that? With respect to every project, as I said, that has had these turbines placed on the bottom of the ocean floor, within about 48 hours they failed. The power of the tides had blown the turbines apart. However, people at an innovative company called Sustainable Marine Energy had a different idea: What if we floated those turbines on the top of the water instead of sinking them to the ocean floor? Guess what: It worked. The first project to consistently put power into Nova Scotia's power grid and to be paid for that power by Nova Scotia Power was successful. They were the first turbines not to be destroyed by the power of the Bay of Fundy tides.

One would think that the NDP-Liberal government would be thrilled and that the approval of such a successful green renewable-energy project would be fast-tracked, but that is not what happened. The Atlantic Liberals had the Department of Fisheries and Oceans refuse to extend the permit for further piloting of the project. They used DFO to kill the project. That is important to Bill C-49 because of the power it would give DFO over all energy projects in Atlantic Canada. Those turbines are now out of the water. They are disassembled, the technology is shelved and the company is bankrupt. I say thanks to Atlantic Liberals and their commitment to renewable energy from our oceans. They talk the talk, but walk away when it comes time to move forward. It is typical of these Liberals. It is all about the input, without any results.

Therefore, this bill is not about approving projects in renewable ocean energy and oil and gas development to get the world off coal and dirty dictator oil. No, it would formalize a process designed to make sure these projects never see the light of day. What the NDP-Liberals have done here in this bill is put more gatekeepers in place to stop energy project development in Atlantic Canada. They imported four sections from the disastrous Bill C-69, the no pipelines bill, into Bill C-49. With Bill C-69, the NDP-Liberals had said that more projects would get approved when they approved that. How many have been approved? There have been none. How many have been proposed? There have been none. It magically drove all capital out of Canada for energy projects.

Now, Bill C-49 would bring that process and that incredible success rate to Atlantic Canada's offshore energy projects. It would impose the same process, and imposing the same process would yield the same result. This bill would triple the current timelines for approval of offshore energy projects. Currently, a decision by the offshore regulatory board has 30 days for cabinet to agree or disagree. The Liberals would extend that in this bill.

Sections 28 and 137 give the federal cabinet the ability to end offshore drilling and renewable energy projects and also give the Minister of Fisheries a veto to propose developments in areas that the minister said that there may be a time in the future when there might be a marine protected area, MPA. It is not that there is a marine protected area, but maybe someday, if the minister thinks there might be one, and so, no, we cannot go there. It is sort of like Whac-a-Mole, which is what DFO has been doing on land with the rivers for any energy projects, and using the passage of one shrivelled up river as a reason to stop a project. Now, that same power would be given to DFO.

Why is that possible? An MPA is a part in the ocean. Fish swim and do not know the boundaries of the parts. However, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans a few years ago met with the fishing groups in Nova Scotia and, in effect, said, “We're going to shut down 30% of the commercial fishery in Nova Scotia using MPAs. Work with us and you can pick which fisheries we shut down. Don't work with us, and we'll pick what is on.” The department uses its excessive power for other political purposes, and that is being imposed in the bill.

The bill brings the inefficiencies of the federal government's Impact Assessment Act into the bill as well. It adds sections 61, 62, 169 and 170 of the IAA where the federal minister has the power to impose conditions on authorizations. It also invokes section 64 of the IAA, which allows a federal minister to interfere in a project if they think it is in the public interest and create any condition, without limit, they think is necessary regardless of what the regulator decides.

Adding these Bill C-69 provisions to Atlantic Canada's offshore energy process extends the process through unlimited federal delays at any time, but at a minimum it is going to be over 1,600 days, which is four and a half years. That is the process that Bill C-69 sets out. It is a minimum of four and a half years for the approval of any project. That really efficient process, which has led to no projects being approved in western Canada, is now being imposed on Atlantic Canada. It is a recipe to end all our offshore energy projects in Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia.

There are no provisions in the bill that require commercial fishing communities to be at the table when all of these projects are being considered. There has been no consultation with the fishing industry about these projects. Why is that important? It is because, in Atlantic Canada, that is our largest industry. To not require their involvement when most of these projects impact their ability to earn a living is a betrayal by Atlantic Canada MPs to the critically important industry they supposedly represent as members of Parliament and to the tens of thousands of people who work in it.

Finally, the current Atlantic accord treats Nova Scotia and Newfoundland differently. The Nova Scotia government has the ability to designate areas under provincial jurisdiction as energy projects within the bays of a province, or the “jaws of the land” as it is called. However, Newfoundland and Labrador does not have that power. I am shocked, frankly, and they should really give their heads a shake, a favourite saying of one of the MPs over there. Newfoundland and Labrador Liberal MPs are okay with Nova Scotia having authorities that the Newfoundland and Labrador government does not. What else would we expect from these silent Liberals? Well, they are silent except for the member for Avalon who apparently is not comfortable in his own caucus any more.

It is time for Atlantic Liberals to get their heads out of the sand. It is time for them to speak up and recognize that the bill before us does for Atlantic energy projects what Bill C-69 did for energy projects in western Canada. Atlantic Liberal MPs need to join us in fixing these issues in committee when we propose solid and thoughtful amendments to ensure that projects get done and not stopped by Liberal gatekeepers.

It is also time for Atlantic Liberal MPs to stop voting with the NDP-Liberal government to increase the cost of everything with the carbon tax. It is about time they do that. Well, this week, they voted once again to impose a quadrupling of taxes on their own constituents. If they truly care about the economy, they will speak up for their region and axe the carbon tax and they will amend this bad bill so that projects can actually get approved.

[Jaime Battiste, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations]

Mr. Speaker, it is disappointing to hear the Conservative member from the Atlantic continue to stand up and oppose good, clean jobs in Nova Scotia.

However, over the past two years, we have seen hurricanes that cost billions in damage, and fires in the member's riding that cost millions in damage. We have seen floods that have taken people's lives. Yet, the member seems to be saying that there is nothing to see here.

I have two questions for the member. First of all, does he agree with the provincial premier of Nova Scotia who said, “Climate change is real”, it is obvious, or will that member continue to bury his head in the sand? How many more states of emergency do we need in Nova Scotia before that member agrees that climate change is real and it is time to act?

[Rick Perkins, Conservative, South Shore—St. Margarets, NS]

Mr. Speaker, that is a little ironic coming from that member, who has voted 24 times to increase the cost of everything for all of his constituents.

On the issue of storms, we have had multiple storms every decade since the 1700s. He should look up the history. Yes, I had fires, man-made fires, that were started in my riding that were not started by climate change. They were started by individuals.

Perhaps he would like to explain to me why he disagrees with his colleague from Avalon and with the commitment from the minister of fisheries through the member that said she should correct the problem to make sure it is right. Will he stand up and agree with the Minister of Finance and the member for Avalon that the carbon tax needs to be fixed as it is hurting people in Atlantic Canada?

[Monique Pauzé, Bloc, Repentigny, QC]

Mr. Speaker, my colleague talked about diseases and cancer in his speech. I would like to talk to him about that. Right now pollution is causing more cancer and more respiratory and cardiovascular illnesses. The increase in pollution is also causing kidney problems. People are malnourished because of lower crop yields. All insect-borne diseases are on the rise.

Why then does the official opposition always put its foot on the brake when it comes to fighting pollution?

[Rick Perkins, Conservative, South Shore—St. Margarets, NS]

Mr. Speaker, we believe pollution should be fought. We believe that that should be through technology, not through taxes that do not work.

The carbon tax has had zero impact in this country on the rate of carbon emissions. In fact, every year under the government, except for when it shut the entire economy down during COVID, carbon emissions have gone up. There is such a lack of knowledge about what is going on in the world. If we were at net-zero today, China would make that up in 56 days with its plan on expansion of coal plants, yet the government opposes us getting liquified natural gas to China so that the real emissions, a third of the world's emissions, could be reduced.

I would like to ask the members opposite why they hate reducing the coal production of China so much?

[Heather McPherson, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Mr. Speaker, last Thursday we were in the House, and the member brought up the fact that wildfires in Canada were man-made and that storms have been hitting his region for hundreds of years, and I was shocked. The next day I was in Montreal at a climate march with young people who were asking for real action on climate change in this country. The member just double downed on that in his response to my Liberal colleague.

I have a serious question for him. Does he believe that climate change is real? Does he stand in the House and claim that climate change is not a factor in the hurricanes hitting his community, in the wildfires ravaging our communities and in the massive costs that are associated with that? Does he believe in climate change? Does he think it is real?

[Rick Perkins, Conservative, South Shore—St. Margarets, NS]

Mr. Speaker, here is another example of a Liberal-NDP coalition member who does not listen, does not listen to constituents and does not listen to what anyone in the House says. I have said many times, as has our leader and every other member, that of course climate change is real. However, the tax does not do anything to change that.

Leave it to a member of that costly coalition to not listen to what I said, which was that the fires in my riding were started by individuals. They were not started by climate change. She forgot those facts because they are inconvenient for her.

[Elizabeth May, Green, Saanich—Gulf Islands, BC]

Mr. Speaker, to my hon. colleague from South Shore—St. Margarets, let us just distinguish on the last point that was being made between who started a fire, whether it was a lightening strike or somebody who threw a cigarette butt out a window, and the fuel load in place that causes the wildfires. He knows this perfectly well because we have talked about this. We share many things, including a history in Nova Scotia.

The month of May in Nova Scotia is historically wet and cold. One could not start a forest fire there if one tried most years for many years. However, year after year, recently, and very recently because of climate change and global warming, the month of May in Nova Scotia has been hot and dry. This year, for the first time, we had extensive wildfires because of climate change. Regardless of who lit the match that hit the fuel load, it was hot and dry and ready to catch fire because of climate change.

As to the earlier points, the bill we are debating right now, Bill C-49, I am sure he will recall that it was our mutual friend, the late Pat Carney, who negotiated the Canada-Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and the Canada-Newfoundland and Labrador Atlantic Accord Implementation Act. The difference between tidal power and offshore wind is that offshore wind is a fully developed technology and ready to implement. We are still working to try to develop tidal power as it is not yet fully formed. It has not yet solved the threats to fisheries.

[Rick Perkins, Conservative, South Shore—St. Margarets, NS]

Mr. Speaker, our mutual friend, the late Hon. Pat Carney, did negotiate those deals, and from our perspective, I appreciate that the member thinks this was an unusual year. This was an El Niño year in North America, where we got less rain in the spring than we did last year or the year before. I expect, when we do not have an El Niño year again, that will change.

With regard to the issue of where wind power generation goes, of course we believe in tidal power and wind power. That is why I spoke for a great deal in my speech about the only project that has ever worked, which was the tidal power by Sustainable Marine Energy, which the government shut down. It, without damage, continued to return power to the Nova Scotia power grid, and they did not get paid for it, yet the government used this as an excuse to shut it down. DFO had given it four approvals and would not give it the fifth.

That approach to shutting down all energy projects, whether they be in oil and gas or on the renewable side of things, is the problem with the bill. It would put in place the terrible provisions of the IAA and Bill C-69 into this process.

[Todd Doherty, Conservative, Cariboo—Prince George, BC]

Mr. Speaker, my hon. colleague from South Shore—St. Margarets is a very kind person. As the member for Sydney—Victoria stands in the House and lectures Conservatives on our record, I would not even dignify it with an answer or acknowledge him until he stands in the House to apologize for his past comments toward indigenous women, which I find offensive, and I think many Canadians find them offensive. I would still like to hear an apology in the House from the member for Sydney—Victoria.

I would like to ask my colleague from South Shore—St. Margarets a question. In British Columbia we have had a carbon tax for over a decade, yet we have seen increasing wildfires, incredible drought situations and increased emissions. Greenhouse gases have not gone down.

How high does the carbon tax have to be before we see the end to the climate events we are seeing and stop punishing Canadians?

[Rick Perkins, Conservative, South Shore—St. Margarets, NS]

Mr. Speaker, the member for Sydney—Victoria, with his past comments, speaks for himself and his attitude toward women. That it is tolerated and has been rewarded with a parliamentary secretary spot is just a mystery to me.

That aside, on how high the carbon tax can go, I do not think there is any limit to how high the Liberals can put a tax, especially when it is ineffective. Their plan is to go to at least $270 a tonne. That means, in the short term, at least 61¢ a litre on gasoline, and in my riding, and in the hon. member's riding, there is no public transit.

My constituents do not have public transit. They have to drive everywhere. They have to drive to grocery stores. They have to drive their kids to school. They have to drive to hockey games. They have to drive to see their family and parents. That is becoming increasingly unaffordable, and it is caused by a tax that has no impact on the actual reduction of climate emissions.

[Monique Pauzé, Bloc, Repentigny, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I am going to start my speech with some compliments and then move on to the criticisms.

This bill seeks to amend the 1986 agreement, which was not bad, because, even though the Supreme Court said that the federal government has jurisdiction over offshore issues, the federal government entered into an agreement with Newfoundland and Labrador to work together in that regard. That is a good thing, and I want to point it out, because there are not many good things.

At that time, wind energy did not exist. Bill C‑49 will tie the federal government to all parliaments affected once they have entered into the new agreement, which affects the management of offshore wind projects. This bill could pave the way to real action in the area of renewable energy for the east coast. It makes improvements, such as the joint management of renewable offshore energy resources and the option of cancelling seabed oil concessions. It also promotes relations with indigenous peoples and their active involvement in the use of renewable energy. Those were the compliments.

Now, here are the criticisms. Bill C‑49 continues to maintain exploration and development mechanisms that lead to oil drilling. The government may have missed an opportunity here. It could have taken advantage of this opportunity to do something about that.

I want to start by reiterating one thing. When Canada makes international commitments about the environment, protecting biodiversity and fighting climate change, and the whole world sees the political decisions that have been made, it seems to me that at some point, action should follow. An emergency requires immediate action. Even young children understand that word. Given that we are in a climate crisis and biodiversity crisis, every decision made should align with Canada's commitments to fight climate change. We shall see about that.

In April 2019, the government announced a total ban on oil and gas work as well as mining, waste dumping and bottom trawling in all of Canada's marine protected areas. It was also urging other countries to do the same because, as we know, the government likes to lecture. It was telling other countries to do more to protect the environment. Marine refuges, however, were not included in that commitment. I like to say that words matter, and here is an example. Marine refuges were overlooked.

A little later, in 2020, Canada introduced new regulations that exempted future drilling from environmental assessment. The government's intention was to accelerate underwater oil drilling, and this after having lectured other countries.

The bill does not give more teeth to the regional assessments that, by the admission of the individuals in charge, are inadequate. Again, the government could have used Bill C‑49 to address that. I could talk about assessments at length because there are so many irregularities, but again the industry comes out ahead. There are no societal gains here.

In November 2020, the Canada–Newfoundland and Labrador Offshore Petroleum Board agreed to provide Building Product of Canada, or BP Canada, access to 264,500 hectares of ocean in exchange for a commitment to do exploration work worth $27 million. They say one thing and do another. This area is essential to marine biodiversity. It contains coral and sponges that other marine species use as spawning grounds or nurseries. Fisheries and Oceans Canada said so itself.

Meanwhile, with his customary emotional delivery, the Prime Minister promised to reaffirm Canada's commitment to protect 25% of our lands and waters by 2025 and to reach 30% by 2030. While BP Canada is making its little deals with the board, the Minister of Environment and Climate Change has already started watering down his discourse. Regarding offshore drilling projects, he said at a committee meeting that the regulation will guarantee that all drilling projects comply with the strict standards of environmental protection and that the regulation establishes a clear and efficient process for assessing exploratory drilling projects.

In other words, the government supports such projects. Offshore drilling poses a threat to marine life. For example, the acoustic devices used to explore the seabed interfere with the communication, orientation and hunting activities of blue whales and right whales, two endangered species in Canada.

The lighting on the oil platforms and infrastructure is harmful to birds because it causes confusion about places for them to rest, find food and so on.

The Liberal government is committing to marine conservation and claiming it is possible to accomplish that goal while promoting the development of the offshore oil industry. One can see why The Guardian and Oil Change International are saying that Canada is a climate hypocrite.

I would like to remind members that the purpose of exploration is extraction and development.

I want to briefly mention Bay du Nord. Many countries were shocked when the government made that announcement as it was preparing for the COP15 on biodiversity in Montreal. Perhaps that explains the comments of The Guardian and Oil Change International.

Equinor, the company that spearheaded the project, was the one that decided not to move forward with it, at least for the time being. The Minister of Environment and Climate Change who approved the Bay du Nord project used to be a committed environmental activist.

Regardless of the outcome of Bay du Nord, this first deep-water project, with the government's about-face, doublespeak, selective terminology and broken policy and climate commitments, Canada is being two-faced, acting like a good participant when, let us face it, under the changes set out in Bill C‑49 it is still quite likely that permits will be granted and offshore oil activities will be promoted.

Just days after introducing Bill C‑49, the government announced new drilling permits to double offshore oil production.

The Bloc Québécois believes that the devil is in the details. If the government wanted us to oppose this then it went about it the right way, in other words introduce a good bill and the next day announce more drilling. One might say it is sabotaging its own legislation. The government had an opportunity to show that it could let go of fossil fuel. There is still time for that. We are used to the greenwashing language that the Prime Minister has mastered.

That said, legislation paving the way for renewable energy in this region of Canada would be good. I repeat: Weaning ourselves off fossil fuels is imperative. Just like western Canada, the Maritimes need a helping hand to do that. In both regions, the environment and biodiversity are under attack.

Our caucus has serious doubts about the probity of the commitments set out in Bill C‑49. What better ruse could there be than to slip poison into an innocent-looking treat that everyone likes? We will be watchful.

[Kevin Lamoureux, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons]

Mr. Speaker, I find it interesting that the Conservatives across the way talk about listening. I appreciate the comments the member has put forward, but I want to focus on giving a comment that she can respond to.

When we look at the support for this legislation, Premier Andrew Furey has said, “Newfoundland and Labrador is perfectly positioned in a green energy transition. Part of that transition requires offshore wind so our province can become a world leader in green hydrogen. We continue to support the Government of Canada on Bill C-49 and urge other federal parties to do the same.”

We can talk about one province affected by this, and in fact, all of Atlantic Canada. There is a very powerful message here. If one supports the Atlantic region and potential economic and opportunities in the future, why would the Conservatives not support legislation of this nature?

[Monique Pauzé, Bloc, Repentigny, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for the question. I must say that my hon. colleague is always present and always has questions. I am always amazed. Sometimes I wonder if he ever sleeps because he must be studying every bill.

Why are the Conservatives against this? Every time we talk about climate change, the Conservatives are against it. We always wonder if they believe in fighting climate change. They do not make the connection between health and climate change; they do not tie these two things together, when it is very important.

However, coming back to Bill C‑49, there are rules for future offshore wind projects, but the government wants to pursue oil projects. We take issue with the government saying one thing and doing another. It is typical of the Liberal government.

[Randall Garrison, NDP, Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC]

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member was entirely too charitable to the member for South Shore—St. Margarets, because I heard him say that this year was just an unusual year and we will go back to normal soon. What we have is an example of a Conservative front-bencher, who obviously enjoys the favour of the Conservative leader, denying climate change in this very chamber, denying the evidence of fires and denying the evidence of the floods that took place in Nova Scotia.

I wonder if the member would like to revise her evaluation of the climate-denying Conservatives.

[The Acting Speaker, Bloc, Gabriel Ste-Marie]

Before moving on to the answer, the hon. member for Calgary Centre is rising on a point of order.

The hon. member for Calgary Centre.

[Greg McLean, Conservative, Calgary Centre, AB]

Mr. Speaker, I challenge the member who just spoke to provide what he is speaking about. I think he is reiterating a false narrative. There is no—

[The Acting Speaker, Bloc, Gabriel Ste-Marie]

I must respectfully interrupt my hon. colleague. In the Speaker's opinion, the member for Calgary Centre's remarks are a point of debate in the House. He will have an opportunity to take part in the debate and ask his questions.

Did I misunderstand? Does the hon. member for Calgary Centre want to clarify his remarks?

[Greg McLean, Conservative, Calgary Centre, AB]

I interrupted, Mr. Speaker, because what the member was saying is a gross misstatement about those in the front row of this party. If the member is going to put that out there and is going to state it in Hansard, it had better show up, as opposed to being complete deceit to the House.

Mr. Speaker, I am asking you to respect the rules of the House and check into the facts of what the member is stating.

[The Acting Speaker, Bloc, Gabriel Ste-Marie]

I thank my hon. colleague for his comments.

After verifying with the table officer, this is a point of debate. The hon. member or his colleagues will have the opportunity to participate in the debate.

Without further delay, the hon. member for Repentigny has the floor to answer the question.

[Monique Pauzé, Bloc, Repentigny, QC]

Mr. Speaker, the Bloc Québécois often finds that, when either the Conservatives or the government members open their mouths, all we hear are speeches from oil companies.

When I think about Bill C‑49, what comes to mind is an image of oil wells with wind turbines on top them. The content of this bill looks a little bit like that. This bill could be worthwhile, but some of the decisions go completely against combatting climate change and keeping Canada's international commitments.

[Todd Doherty, Conservative, Cariboo—Prince George, BC]

Mr. Speaker, to my hon. colleagues, Conservatives believe in climate change. We just do not believe that this carbon tax is doing anything to fight the climate crisis we are facing. It is punishing Canadians.

If the Liberals do not want to believe me, perhaps they will believe a Liberal MP from Newfoundland, the member for Avalon, who stood up, finally, and said:

I think [the carbon tax is] hurting them a fair bit. Everywhere I go people come up to me and say, “We're losing faith in the Liberal Party.”

...They can’t afford to heat their homes and that’s hard to hear from especially seniors who live alone and tell me that they go around their house in the spring and winter time with a blanket wrapped around them....

Would our hon. colleague please comment on that? A Liberal MP is finally standing up and saying the carbon tax is punishing Canadians.

[Monique Pauzé, Bloc, Repentigny, QC]

Mr. Speaker, we are back to debating the carbon tax. I would just like to remind everyone that it does not apply in Quebec.

In fact, the member for Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis was a minister in Jean Charest's Quebec government when the carbon exchange was created. She knows full well that it does not apply in Quebec.

I guess the member does not have enough influence in her caucus.

[John Aldag, Liberal, Cloverdale—Langley City, BC]

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to see you in the chair today.

I appreciate having the chance to stand in the House today to speak to Bill C-49. I would like to mention that as I deliver my comments I do so on the unceded traditional territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe peoples.

I would like to begin by acknowledging the fact that the other side likes to downplay and ignore climate change. As a member of Parliament from British Columbia, I can tell members that my constituents have faced some of the worst impacts of fires and floods, which have been exacerbated by climate change. From winter storms taking down power lines in Quebec to storms battering our coasts, the fact is that the climate crisis is a serious issue that requires serious responses. Today, we are here to talk about a plan to help expand job-creating climate action in Atlantic Canada, which is certainly a region that has seen no shortage of climate impacts.

Let us take Nova Scotia. Nova Scotia’s workers and their families have been through not one, not two, but three climate disasters in the last 13 months: hurricane Fiona, the wildfires in the Halifax Regional Municipality and Shelburne County, and the flash flooding that tragically led to the deaths of four Nova Scotians, including three children. It is time to stand behind the people of Nova Scotia and all of Atlantic Canada as we move forward with opportunities that will support the fight against climate change and benefit the region’s long-term economic future.

Developing the offshore renewable energy industry should be a priority for all members of Parliament, which is precisely why I am here today as a member of Parliament from British Columbia. Enabling the offshore renewables industry to move forward will not only help the people who live and work in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and Labrador, but also help Canada as a whole in the effort to do the following: help reduce emissions and meet emissions targets; create a clean, reliable and affordable grid; create good-paying sustainable jobs; enhance Canada's ability to compete in the global low-carbon economy across all sectors; and, further grow our economy today.

It is clear that Nova Scotia and Newfoundland and Labrador’s workforces are ready to move forward with these offshore opportunities. The citizens of these provinces have the skills we need, and they bring generations of experience in a range of marine industries to the table. Like British Columbians, our east coast colleagues are talented in other areas that are expected to benefit the offshore renewable energy industry, including shipbuilding, aquaculture, defence, research and ocean technology.

My Atlantic colleagues have been clear when they have spoken in this chamber. These provinces, and the livelihoods of all who call them home, have been shaped by the sea, providing rich maritime heritage and a passion for the environment, both of which make offshore wind and other renewable energy projects a natural fit for Nova Scotians and Newfoundlanders and Labradorians.

Of course, they also benefit from the geography and energy context that makes these projects so attractive. Nova Scotia’s current energy mix means that affordable and reliable offshore wind power will support lowering prices for ratepayers, and as Newfoundland and Labrador uses its hydro capacity to support the electrification of buildings, industry and transportation, more and more power will be needed in the future. This is true across the country, yet the offshore potential of Atlantic Canada is one of the greatest on earth. Unlocking this potential is a critical part of achieving our commitments to the global fight against climate change.

Members on the other side like to bury their heads in the sand and ignore the climate crisis, as we see time and again in this place. Our side knows that ambitious action provides us with an opportunity to show the world that Canada is a reliable partner and leader in solving the great challenge of our era in a manner that supports the creation of sustainable jobs. To ensure we honour our commitments to Canadians and the world, and to ensure our economy does not surrender opportunity to our competitors as the rest of the world races towards net zero, we need to move quickly. That urgency brings us to the business before us today, and our provincial counterparts agree that we must move quickly.

Nova Scotia, for instance, has stated that coal-fired power plants are going to become a thing of the past by 2030, and that 80% of the province’s power will, by then, come from clean energy. That is only six years away. Nova Scotia’s Progressive Conservative government and citizens are asking for this House to get this bill passed so they can start building the renewable energy they need.

Atlantic Canadians, in particular, are calling on the Conservative Party to end its campaign of climate action obstruction and join us in passing this bill. Everyone is asking the Conservative Party to stop blocking jobs, investments and the renewable energy that will power their homes and businesses. The question is whether or not the leader of the Conservative Party will take his head out of the sand and heed this call.

Make no mistake. We will advance this legislation and deliver for Atlantic Canada either way. Doing so makes sense from both an environmental and economic perspective.

The potential for job creation and environmental benefits in renewable energy is so strong in Nova Scotia that the provincial government has already made several significant moves toward making offshore renewable energy projects a reality in preparation for this bill’s passing. Nova Scotia has joined the federal government in carrying out the regional assessment on offshore wind that is currently under way. Right now, the regional assessment committee is hosting public open houses to provide information on the process itself and get feedback on potential project locations.

Nova Scotia also released the first module of their offshore wind road map in June, which clearly delineates its vision for offshore wind energy and the regulatory pathway and timelines for project development. The road map provides certainty for businesses looking to invest, as well as giving a line of sight on what is coming for stakeholders, indigenous groups and other interested parties. The road map also outlines the seabed leasing opportunities, noting that access to seabed rights that are solely under the province’s jurisdiction could be available for commercial projects as early as next year.

For this to happen, Bill C-49 needs to pass quickly through this chamber. I again encourage my Conservative colleagues to listen to the people of Atlantic Canada, as well as both the Liberal Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador and the Progressive Conservative Premier of Nova Scotia. I encourage them to reverse their thoughtless and ideological position and vote in favour of this common-sense bill. Bill C-49 affords the House the opportunity to deliver good sustainable jobs, good renewable energy projects and major economic opportunities for all while combatting climate change.

The two boards, the C-NLOPB and the CNSOPB, which has held the provinces’ offshore energy industry accountable for many years, are the natural choice to take on an expanded mandate for the regulation of the provinces’ offshore energy projects. It is a perfect fit. The offshore board already ensures that licensed project operators adhere to offshore regulations. It engages and consults with stakeholders, indigenous groups and the public to get feedback on potential and existing projects. It has years of experience in offshore safety and environmental protection and holds operators to account through the boards’ comprehensive compliance and enforcement activities.

The boards are also an excellent collaborator. They have put several agreements and memoranda of understanding in place with other organizations and agencies to make it easier for them to share information, expertise and resources with each other and coordinate their initiatives. This includes agreements with the Canadian Coast Guard, Transport Canada, the Impact Assessment Agency of Canada, Employment and Social Development Canada, Environment and Climate Change Canada, Fisheries and Oceans Canada, the Canada Energy Regulator, Natural Resources Canada, the Transportation Safety Board and more. With these many agreements already in place, the offshore boards are a clear and logical choice for overseeing the development of offshore wind projects, as well as other renewable energy projects off the shores of Nova Scotia.

Economically, this bill makes good financial sense. We have heard that it is expected that as much as $1 trillion will be invested in offshore wind globally by 2040. That investment is already starting to flow to offshore markets around the world. This is why it is so urgent that the Conservatives end their opposition to these jobs and investments so that all members of Parliament can come together to get Bill C-49 passed.

We need to seize this massive economic opportunity, not just for Atlantic Canada but for all of Canada. This bill is key to ensuring that our country is a leader in the global race to net-zero. All members of all parties of all regions should not delay this bill any further, or else we will throw away the opportunity to attract investment, the opportunity to build a world-class offshore wind industry and the opportunity to create the thousands and thousands of jobs associated with it.

Bill C-49 makes sense for Atlantic Canada’s workforce, and Canada more broadly. When Canada builds major new industries, Canadians from across the country contribute and benefit. The benefits of this economic activity help to spur waves of labour development, and that is critical to the economic well-being of Canada as a whole, along with the restoration of many coastal communities in Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia.

The world needs Canadian clean energy and technologies in order to advance the fight against climate change and access long-term energy security. When Chancellor Scholz came to Newfoundland and Labrador last summer, he made it clear that Germany is looking to buy clean Canadian hydrogen made from offshore wind.

I am happy to take questions about Bill C-49, a very important piece of legislation.