House of Commons Hansard #281 of the 44th Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was medical.

Topics

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:25 a.m.

Liberal

Arif Virani Liberal Parkdale—High Park, ON

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate my colleague's remarks and his hard work on the special joint committee.

I have several points to raise. The first one is that the bill addresses mental illness as the sole condition. The act requires that we deal with the issue before March 17, 2024.

I have a lot of respect for my colleague across the aisle. He mentioned that Canadians from coast to coast agree on the issue of advance requests. Although Quebec has expressed its willingness, I do not believe that all Canadians agree; that is the second point.

Obviously, if we want to extend medical assistance in dying to advance requests, we need to do so responsibly and with caution, as we did with all of the other issues, in other words, with all of the health experts, namely health ministers, psychiatrists, doctors and nurses. We need to proceed with caution, making sure to respect individual rights. We also need to strike a balance between individual rights and the protection of vulnerable persons. That is how we have been doing things since 2016, and that is how we will continue in the future.

Once again, it is important to note that the Criminal Code applies to the entire country. It is important to have clear information for all Canadians, so that everyone understands their rights and the criminal rules that apply across Canada. Criminal law must be consistent from one province to another.

That said, political discussions with Quebec are ongoing because this conversation needs to be had. However, we need to proceed carefully, cautiously and prudently.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:25 a.m.

NDP

Randall Garrison NDP Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC

Mr. Speaker, in the previous Parliament, I was the NDP's representative on the medical assistance in dying committee. I do support medical assistance in dying, but it was the most difficult issue I have ever dealt with, and I agree with my colleague from Saanich—Gulf Islands that it was probably the most difficult issue most of us have ever dealt with in the House. For that reason, I agree with the minister that we have to proceed very cautiously and very deliberately in any expansion to medical assistance in dying.

Today I would rather be talking about removing mental illness as the sole underlying condition, but Parliament dealt with that question with the private member's bill from the member for Abbotsford, Bill C-314, so we cannot do that today. We are placed in the awkward position where the Senate added the provision to the original medical assistance in dying legislation, which I think was very ill-advised.

However, we have no choice at this point, I believe, but to support the closure motion to try to get this done so we can prevent the provision from coming into force, when we know clearly we are not ready and when we know some of us have very clear moral reservations about the expansion.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:30 a.m.

Liberal

Arif Virani Liberal Parkdale—High Park, ON

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the member for Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke for his contributions today and every day, particularly on the justice committee and on the joint mixed committee. I agree with him that this is probably the most challenging and personal issue that any of us has touched, particularly for those who were elected in the class of 2015, who have been dealing with this for the last eight years. Because what is at issue is so significant, because the consequences are so permanent by definition, it is critical to get it right and to proceed in a prudent manner.

Some of those things are outlined in the charter statement we have tabled in the House. It talks about the screening for decision-making capacity being particularly difficult in the context because of the symptoms of the person's condition or because their life experiences can impact their ability to understand and appreciate the decision they are about to make. Further, feelings of hopelessness and wishing to die are common symptoms of some mental illnesses, which can make it difficult for even an experienced practitioner to distinguish between a wish to die that is fully autonomous and considered, and something that is a symptom of one's personal illness.

Also, the course of a mental illness over time is very much less predictable than that of a physical illness. Last, and importantly, we do not have a record of evidence that has been built up in this country with respect to how the practice would unfold. Ensuring that we build up that record of evidence and that we build up the important curriculum and the uptake of that curriculum for the assessors and providers is critical.

For these and many other reasons, we are adopting a position that we would proceed responsibility, cautiously and prudently in three years' time with the initiative, but also reconvene the joint committee on which the member has sat so it can assess system readiness about two years from now, prior to the three-year deadline's coming to the fore.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:30 a.m.

Conservative

Richard Bragdon Conservative Tobique—Mactaquac, NB

Mr. Speaker, it has been said that the character of a nation is revealed in how it treats its most vulnerable. I cannot think of a higher obligation for the House that houses the representatives of the people to take up than this very discussion. It is a matter of debate that should not be rushed. It should not be shut down and should not be in any way pushed through in expeditious fashion. We should take all of the time required to make sure we get it right, because we are literally dealing with matters of life and death. The sensitivity surrounding the issue cannot be overstated. The impact on families that are going to be and are being affected by the issue cannot be overstated.

I would ask the minister to reconsider the direction he has taken with this and allow Canadians to have their voices expressed, for their concerns and desires for proper safeguards to be fully expressed in the House during the debate for as long as it takes to get it right. Would the minister care to comment on that?

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:30 a.m.

Liberal

Arif Virani Liberal Parkdale—High Park, ON

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member opposite, but I think his comments reflect something that was raised also by the member for Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner.

Just to be clear for Canadians, if we do not proceed expeditiously in this chamber and in the Senate, the law will change on March 17 so as to allow medical assistance in dying for people who have mental illness as the sole underlying condition.

If the member for Tobique—Mactaquac is concerned about supports for those who are mentally ill, and I believe he has that concern, then what he should be doing is working with us collaboratively to ensure passage of the bill to prevent that situation from arising. The logical premise of his question is false.

What we are doing is proceeding expeditiously as a responsible government after hearing from the joint mixed committee of MPs and senators about the need to put a pause on this. We would be putting a pause on it. We presented the legislation expeditiously and are seeking passage of the legislation expeditiously.

As we have have heard from the member for Saanich—Gulf Islands, in this context even she is making an exception to her principled approach towards closure in order to invoke closure so we can get the bill done and protect Canadians. Fundamentally, my job as Minister of Justice is to do just that, and I will not be deterred in that task.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:35 a.m.

Bloc

Luc Thériault Bloc Montcalm, QC

Mr. Speaker, the minister did not answer one aspect of my question.

Why the double standard?

The minister had a full year to implement the recommendation of the Special Joint Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying concerning advance requests. An Ipsos poll of 3,500 people showed 85% support across Canada. If the minister does not know that, he is not staying on top of his file.

As far as postponement is concerned, the minister has implemented the recommendation to the letter. Three years is too long. He knows that. However, he could have added another dimension to Bill C‑62. He had a year to do it. Will he introduce legislation on advance requests, yes or no?

Bill C‑14 is bad legislation.

The minister says that he worked carefully. People have been forced to go on hunger strikes to meet the reasonably foreseeable natural death criterion. Is that what he means by protecting vulnerable people?

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:35 a.m.

Liberal

Arif Virani Liberal Parkdale—High Park, ON

Mr. Speaker, what I can add to the conversation I just had with my colleague across the way is that we created expert panels to study several aspects of expanding medical assistance in dying. Experts conducted a study on advance requests. They found that it is extremely complex when we talk in the present about articulating a desire to seek medical assistance in dying, added to the fact that a person might submit a request 30 or 40 years ahead of time. Given the context, their situation, condition and wishes could change.

This said, Quebec has already addressed the issue, and a bill has been introduced in the province. We are well aware of this, and we are starting a discussion with Quebec. Discussions will be held.

We have a Criminal Code that applies across the country. Consequently, the question has to be approached the same way we dealt with the other aspects, meaning nationally. This is what we did when we prudently undertook consultations while taking the necessary precautions.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:35 a.m.

NDP

Peter Julian NDP New Westminster—Burnaby, BC

Mr. Speaker, I am very concerned about the comments that I have just heard from the Conservatives saying that the debate should just go on for as long as Conservatives would like. That could take months. Our deadline is March 17. We have nine sitting days, including today, before the deadline.

I wanted to make sure, because some of my Conservative colleagues were saying that they are concerned about having, as a condition, the sole underlying medical condition being a mental disorder. They did not want to see that. The provinces and territories certainly agree. Ten of the provinces and territories have written to say that their health care system is simply not ready to put that into place. What would happen, would the minister say, if we end up missing that deadline, going on for months afterward? What type of confusion? What situation would we find ourselves in, in Canada, if we follow the desire of the Conservatives to simply talk this out for months?

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:35 a.m.

Liberal

Arif Virani Liberal Parkdale—High Park, ON

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member opposite for his second contribution this morning, because it is very salient and very pointed. I would urge my Conservative colleagues to actually reconsider their presumed position with respect to this legislation and the need for passing it efficaciously, as soon as possible.

As a candid response to his question, so that we are crystal clear, if we do not pass this legislation by March 17, it would be possible in this country for someone whose sole underlying condition is mental illness to avail themselves of MAID. That would occur in the riding of Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner, in the province of Alberta, as well as in the province of New Brunswick, which the member for Tobique—Mactaquac represents. The ministers of health for New Brunswick and Alberta have both said to us unequivocally that their health care systems, their MAID assessors and providers, are not ready.

I do not want a situation where we have that kind of lay of the land in terms of the criminal law in Canada. We have the power to prevent that from happening by voting in favour of this bill.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:40 a.m.

Conservative

Gérard Deltell Conservative Louis-Saint-Laurent, QC

Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to thank the minister and congratulate him on the quality of his French. I knew him when he arrived in 2015, and I have seen his progress, step by step. I would like to sincerely congratulate him on his French.

That is where my congratulations end. It is never a victory when a time allocation motion is introduced in a debate on an issue as sensitive as medical assistance in dying. This topic should be free from partisanship, because there is no right or wrong position. There are only the positions with which we are at ease as legislators. Opposing opinions should always be respected. Some of our friends, family members and loved ones may take the exact opposite view, and they are right. That is what a non-partisan debate is. That is what a debate about personal quality of life is.

As my colleague from Montcalm illustrated so well, the minister had a year to take action, but he did nothing. We realize that the Prime Minister decided to change justice ministers, as is his right and privilege, and we also realize that the predecessor to this Minister of Justice had a different approach.

However, in the face of such a delicate issue, why act so quickly when we need to make room for every possible opinion? This is not a partisan issue, let us not make it one.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:40 a.m.

Liberal

Arif Virani Liberal Parkdale—High Park, ON

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments of the member for Louis‑Saint‑Laurent.

I want to note two things.

First, my colleague is absolutely right when he says that we must avoid partisanship when we are dealing with such a sensitive subject and where the consequences are so serious for Canadians.

I might add that he and his colleagues sat on the special joint committee both the first and second time. So we have already had the opportunity to hear the Conservatives' views on the matter. We have reflected on those comments and indeed we introduced a bill that reflects the will of their caucus.

I believe that we need to move forward with that expressed will and promote the adoption of this bill today in the House.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:40 a.m.

Conservative

The Deputy Speaker Conservative Chris d'Entremont

It is my duty to interrupt the proceedings at this time and put forthwith the question on the motion now before the House.

The question is on the motion.

If a member participating in person wishes that the motion be carried or carried on division, or if a member of a recognized party participating in person wishes to request a recorded division, I would invite them to rise and indicate it to the Chair.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:40 a.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Mr. Speaker, I request a recorded vote.

Motion That Debate Be Not Further AdjournedGovernment Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

10:40 a.m.

Conservative

The Deputy Speaker Conservative Chris d'Entremont

Call in the members.

(The House divided on the motion, which was agreed to on the following division:)

Vote #637

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:25 a.m.

Conservative

The Deputy Speaker Conservative Chris d'Entremont

I declare the motion carried.

The House resumed from February 12 consideration of the motion, and of the amendment.

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:25 a.m.

NDP

Gord Johns NDP Courtenay—Alberni, BC

Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to rise today on the unceded lands of Tseshaht and Hupacasath on Vancouver Island in Nuu-chah-nulth territory to speak to Bill C-62, which is calling for the extension of the temporary exclusion of eligibility for medical assistance in dying for persons suffering solely from a mental illness by three years, until March 17, 2027.

Clearly, without an intervention by Parliament, this expansion would come into effect on March 17, 2024, in just one month. New Democrats agree with the majority decision made by the Special Joint Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying, also known as the AMAD committee, which I will refer to it as in my speech. It reported that Canada is not adequately prepared to deliver medical assistance in dying to individuals whose sole underlying medical condition is a mental disorder.

The bill would allow more time to implement the necessary safeguards and address the capacity concerns that are expected to be the result of the expansion of medical assistance in dying for those with the sole underlying medical condition of a mental disorder. It would give medical practitioners more time to become familiar with available training and supports, while providing time for the public to become more aware of the robust safeguards and processes in place. I know this is a very sensitive and very personal matter to so many people around this country. Especially in my riding of Courtenay—Alberni, I have heard from many people about this.

We also need to ensure that we have the understanding and compassion to respect the right of an individual's choice of dignity when they have deep, prolonged and ongoing suffering. I will speak to that. Suffering from mental illness is extremely serious, and it is just as real as suffering from a physical illness. In our health care system, we clearly do not have parity when it comes to mental and physical health, and I will speak to that as well.

We must also affirm and protect the most vulnerable when we do any sort of decision-making on such a serious piece of legislation as expanding medical assistance in dying. This additional delay is necessary and needed right now to ensure that we have a health care system in place that can safely provide medical assistance in dying for those whose sole underlying medical condition is a mental disorder.

We know how we got here. The Liberal government made an ill-advised decision and did a complete 180° by accepting the Senate's amendment to Bill C-7 in the 43rd Parliament. That is what got us here. The government changed the law before any kind of comprehensive review had been conducted, and we have been trying to play catch-up ever since. I am going to speak about the important work that needs to be done, and I want us to be thoughtful in our approach to expanding medical assistance in dying.

As New Democrats, we take people's concerns and feedback very seriously. We are committed to helping find the best possible solution for Canadians in the policy of medical assistance in dying to ensure that it does what it was always intended to do. One of the biggest concerns New Democrats have with the expansion of medical assistance in dying is with the barriers that many Canadians face when they reach out for mental health treatment. Because of the Liberals, and the Conservatives before them, the chronic underfunding of our health care system has become even more apparent. It is now more than ever, as we see the disparity between mental and physical health and how people are taken care of.

We heard the Prime Minister promise to implement a new mental health transfer of $4.5 billion over five years, but he has still not done that. Even with the bilateral agreements, the Liberals are falling far short, and that would not even be enough. Everyone should be able to access mental health supports when they need it, but under the Liberal government, and that of the Conservatives before it, this has not been the reality. It is the same with all provinces and territories.

New Democrats wholeheartedly support the delay in expanding medical assistance in dying for those who have a mental disorder as the sole underlying condition, but the Liberal government needs to ensure that proper consultation happens between now and the expansion date, or it would need to be extended again. It needs to ensure that people will be protected while respecting their individual choice.

The Liberals cannot just delay the expansion either. They need to fund adequate supports and treatment options for people dealing with mental illness. Members have heard me say this repeatedly, but we need a pathway, a road map, to how we are going to achieve parity for mental and physical health and ensure people get the timely help they need when they need it.

Seven of the provinces and all three territories have said that they are not ready and have signed a joint letter to that effect, including my home province of British Columbia. That was signed by the ministers of health in those provinces and territories. They are calling for an indefinite pause on the expansion for individuals whose sole underlying medical condition is a mental disorder. That is what those ministers identified.

As New Democrats, we want to see a MAID regime where guardrails are in place to protect vulnerable populations while still allowing for personal bodily autonomy and end-of-life choices. We must make sure that people do not request medical assistance in dying because they do not have access to treatments, supports and services. This has to be absolute. The Liberals need to make sure everybody can access mental health supports. However, after nine years of carrying forward with the Conservative cuts to health care, this is where we are at right now right across the country. Help is out of reach for many people. This needs to change before medical assistance in dying can be expanded.

We know that the housing, toxic drug and mental health crises that are happening are not being addressed. I see that I do not have a lot of time left, but I want to ensure I outline that the AMAD committee heard from plenty of witnesses who cautioned the committee on expanding MAID in cases of persons suffering solely from a mental illness. I want to share what a couple of those experts had to say.

Professor Brian Mishara, who is with the Centre for Research and Intervention on Suicide, Ethical Issues and End-of-Life Practices at Université du Québec à Montréal, said, “The expert panel report on MAID and mental illness states that there are no specific criteria for knowing that a mental illness is irremediable”, and that there is absolutely no “evidence that anyone can reliably determine if an individual suffering from a mental illness will not improve.” He warned us that “any attempt at identifying who should have access to MAID will make large numbers of mistakes, and people who would have experienced improvements in their symptoms and no longer wish to die will die by [medical assistance in dying].”

We heard from many experts. The CAMH raised similar concerns.

Because I see that I only have a couple of minutes left here, I want to talk a bit about the system and the lack of access. We are talking about a crisis going on from coast to coast to coast, according to a poll done just a year ago. The Mental Health Commission of Canada and the Canadian Centre on Substance Use and Addiction released a report talking about postpandemic findings. It cited that 35% of respondents reported moderate to severe mental health concerns.

This is alarming. It should also be alarming to all parliamentarians that it found that fewer than one in three people with current mental health concerns accessed services. The report identified key barriers to accessing services as financial constraints and help not being readily available. We know that right now we are in a financial crisis, and I am sure those numbers have only gone up. It identified that one of the top stressors was between income and unemployment with mental health concerns.

We need to create a system of parity with mental and physical health. The government has not delivered when it comes to a plan, a road map, on how we achieve parity with physical and mental health. I hope in this budget, it is going to release funding on top of the bilateral agreements directly to community-based organizations as a COVID emergency recovery response because, post-COVID, we know some people are struggling financially, but the biggest concern right now and the biggest epidemic post-COVID is in mental health. I hope the government is hearing that.

I see that I have run out of time. I have a lot to say on this matter. I look forward to taking questions from my colleagues.

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:35 a.m.

Liberal

Ken Hardie Liberal Fleetwood—Port Kells, BC

Mr. Speaker, in the process of debating this, I would draw attention to the case back in 2016 of E.F., a woman in Alberta. There is media coverage on it and it is worth a good read. The reason I bring it up is because E.F. did get access to medical assistance in dying. She had nothing but a mental condition but it was horrific.

If this next step in medical assistance in dying is put on hold, would the member want to consider some mechanism by which a person like E.F. could get the relief from a life that simply was agonizing and not worth living?

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:35 a.m.

NDP

Gord Johns NDP Courtenay—Alberni, BC

Mr. Speaker, first and foremost, we want to ensure that we have a system of care in place to ensure that E.F. can actually get access to supports if she is suffering. However, that is not in place anywhere in the country, not in all 10 provinces and three territories. We know that. We are falling far below our OECD partners. Provinces and territories spend between 5% and 7% of their health care budgets on mental health compared to France and Britain that are at 12% and 14% respectively.

As New Democrats, we want to see a medical assistance in dying response where guardrails are in place to protect the most vulnerable. We want to ensure that safe and adequate delivery of medical assistance in dying is in place, but that there still is bodily autonomy and end-of-life choice. We need to have a system in place that the experts support, one that actually responds to medical assistance in dying, that ensures we have the training and that we have addressed all the recommendations of AMAD committee. We have not done that. I know the government is working toward that, but we are very far away from it.

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:35 a.m.

Conservative

Garnett Genuis Conservative Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB

Mr. Speaker, the position of the government when it comes euthanasia is so disconnected from the reality and the concerns many Canadians have. The Liberals constantly want to have a conversation about further expansion. However, I hear concerns from constituents and from people across the country about the abuses under the existing system; about how people with disabilities have been pressured and told that they are selfish for not wanting to go down this road; about how, in the absence of proper support, life and dignity affirming support, we have individuals who are at risk of giving up. Instead of being affirmed in their pursuit of meaning and purpose, they are being told “Sure, go ahead and give up.” This is the reality in Canada.

When I talk to legislators in other parts of the world, including legislators from the so-called progressive left, they are horrified by what is happening in Canada. Canada is presented as a counter-example of what can go wrong when we go down this road.

Why are we not having more conversations about addressing the existing abuses in the system instead of this fanatical push by the government to always look for the next expansion. Why not stop and look at how we got here and how we can address these significant problems that have emerged in the current system?

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:40 a.m.

NDP

Gord Johns NDP Courtenay—Alberni, BC

Mr. Speaker, a lot of discussions needs to take place at the AMAD committee, to look at the existing legislation.

However, right now, we are dealing with a timely situation, and I am going to speak to that. This is around the Liberal government's ill-advised decision to accept the Senate amendment to Bill C-7 in the 43rd Parliament. That is what has gotten us here today. This is why we are having to rush legislation, because there is not adequate support for people with the sole underlying medical condition of a mental disorder.

The Liberals changed the law before any kind of comprehensive review had been conducted, and we have been trying to play catch-up ever since. The Liberals decided to support an amendment from the Senate, the unelected Senate, that was brought back to the House. We voted against it because of that. We did not believe that the supports were in place for people to make those decisions.

We are working toward ensuring that we have parity between our mental and physical health care system, that we listen to the experts and that we do a full evaluation. This needs to take place. However, I appreciate the comments from my colleague in that there needs to be broader conversations about the existing legislation.

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:40 a.m.

Bloc

Luc Thériault Bloc Montcalm, QC

Mr. Speaker, I would like to know whether my colleague thinks that, one day, it will be possible to alleviate the suffering of people struggling with an irremediable mental disorder.

I would also like to know whether he agrees that it would have been wiser for the government to implement the joint committee's leading recommendation regarding advance requests and to take advantage of the introduction of this bill to add that component.

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

11:40 a.m.

NDP

Gord Johns NDP Courtenay—Alberni, BC

Mr. Speaker, my colleague has done incredible work at the health committee and the AMAD committee. I really appreciate him for that.

I hope that some day we will have an opportunity so that those with the sole underlying medical condition of mental disorder will have the ability to make that decision. However, we are so far away from parity, given that consecutive Liberal and Conservative federal governments have not prioritized mental health. We are also far behind other countries, including U.K. and France, when it comes to delivering parity with our mental and physical health care systems, and that needs to be addressed.

With respect to the member's other question, absolutely I support that. The AMAD committee needs to put its next focus and amount of work around advance directives.

Government Business No. 34—Proceedings on Bill C-62Government Orders

February 13th, 2024 / 11:40 a.m.

Liberal

Francis Scarpaleggia Liberal Lac-Saint-Louis, QC

Mr. Speaker, I joined the latest edition of the Special Joint Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying, which was mandated to deal specifically with the question of the health system's readiness for an extension of MAID to cases of severe mental illness, out of a sense of duty as this is a deeply serious matter for Canadian society, one on which I received correspondence from a great many concerned constituents.

At first, I humbly questioned my qualifications to sit on the committee. I am not a psychiatrist. I am not a medical doctor. I do not have expertise or experience in this area. However, in a democracy, not all is left to the experts. The people, through their elected representatives, set legal parameters in areas of public interest by way of legislation and regulations. In fact, that is what has been happening since 2016 on the issue of MAID.

That said, it is important to carefully listen to and consult the experts out of respect for the authority of knowledge and experience. This is the opposite, I might add, of the new populism.

I agree with the committee's recommendation that we should indefinitely postpone MAID where the sole underlying condition is mental illness, also known as MD-SUMC. The central issue in MD-SUMC is irremediability; that is the question of whether there is the possibility that a person with severe mental illness can be cured of their terrible suffering, a suffering not different from physical suffering.

Under the law, for a person to be deemed eligible for MAID, the illness must be irremediable; grievous and irremediable. The problem when we move from somatic, that is physical, illness to psychiatric illness is that irremediability becomes more difficult to establish. In the case of psychiatric illness, an accurate prognosis is infinitely more difficult to produce.

Because of the difficulty, in cases of mental illness, of offering a reasonably certain prognosis, the determination of irremediability will necessarily have to be based on a retrospective view; that is on an assessment of the extent of a patient's past treatments and whether the patient exhausted all treatment possibilities in a quest to be relieved of their suffering. The problem is that the MAID assessors will most likely not have been involved in past treatments, which makes it difficult to ascertain the quality of those treatments. When it comes to establishing irremediability in cases of mental illness, evidence has shown accuracy is poor. It is less than 50%, a coin toss.

To quote Dr. Sonu Gaind, one of the experts who appeared before the committee, “Worldwide evidence shows we cannot predict irremediability in cases of mental illness, meaning that the primary safeguard underpinning MAID is already being bypassed, with evidence showing such predictions are wrong over half the time.”

It should be pointed out that under our MAID law, clinical certainty about irremediability is not actually required. Here it is important to highlight the distinction between legal irremediability and irremediability in clinical medicine.

In the MAID law, “grievous and irremediable” has a different meaning than in medicine. It is defined as incurability, “be in an advanced state of irreversible decline” and “enduring...physical or psychological suffering” that is intolerable to the person and cannot be relieved “under conditions the person considers acceptable.”

In law, therefore, it is not necessary to establish irremediability with a degree of clinical certainty. Rather, both patient and assessor must come to the shared understanding based, among other things, on the assessor's analysis of the history of past treatments. There is an element of subjectivity on the part of both patient and assessor. Naturally, the assessor will bring their own philosophical biases, values and ethics to this subjective equation.

As Dr. Gaind suggested to committee members, “Try those mental gymnastics on your constituents. Convince them it was okay that their loved ones with mental illness got MAID, not because of a clinical assessment based in medicine or science, but because of the ethics of the particular assessor.”

An important issue in determining eligibility for MD-SUMC is being able to separate suicidal ideation from a considered request for MAID. It bears keeping in mind that suicide attempts are not always rash and impulsive, the product of a panicked state. This, in some ways, is a stereotype. Psychiatrists will say that some suicides are not frenetic but carefully planned in advance.

Dr. Tarek Rajji, chair of the medical advisory committee at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, told the committee, “There is no clear way to separate suicidal ideation or a suicide plan from requests for MAID.”

To again quote, Dr. Gaind:

We cannot distinguish suicidality caused by mental illness from motivations leading to psychiatric MAID requests, with overlapping characteristics suggesting there may be no distinction to make.

In the Netherlands, an assessment by an independent physician is required for MAID, and in the case of psychiatric suffering, a third assessment by an independent psychiatrist, preferably one with specific expertise regarding the patient's disorder.

The problem with Canada's law, as it stands, is that there is no requirement for one of the assessors of MAID eligibility to be a psychiatrist, yet psychiatric issues are exceedingly complex. Often a patient has more than one illness. It is said that 71% to 79% of psychiatric patients who died through MAID in the Netherlands had more than one psychiatric disorder.

We humans are not self-directed, rational atoms exercising unencumbered clear-eyed autonomy. We are not as free as we think. We are born into families and communities, and influenced by the opportunities they offer, and alternatively, by the constraints they impose on us.

I sometimes wonder if we are not in the process of turning personal autonomy into ideology. I say “wonder” because as a liberal, I have not been bestowed the gift of absolutism that has blessed ideologues.

Requests for MAID can be influenced by, even driven by, extraneous factors like poverty and isolation, that is by psychosocial factors. According to Dr. Gaind, “those with mental illness...have higher rates of psychosocial suffering.”

This all means that MAID assessors will be wrong over half the time when predicting irremediability, will wrongly believe they are filtering out suicidality and still, instead, provide death to marginalized suicidal Canadians who could have improved.

Archibald Kaiser, Professor at the Schulich School of Law and Department of Psychiatry, Faculty of Medicine at Dalhousie University added that “The Supreme Court concluded in 1991 that people with mental illness have historically been the subjects of abuse, neglect and discrimination.”

Dr. Gaind further underscored that “Suffering is cumulative, and life suffering unfortunately fuels much of the suffering of those with mental illness, even more so for marginalized populations.”

There is, in fact, the possibility that gender-based marginalization can influence requests for MD-SUMC. We know that in countries that allow MAID for severe mental illness, the ratio of women to men who seek MD-SUMC is two to one.

For their part, indigenous representatives have expressed serious reservations about expanding MAID to include mental illness. According to Professor Kaiser:

In February 2021...many distinguished indigenous signatories wrote to Parliament that the consultation ... has not been adequate and “has not taken into account the existing health disparities...we face compared to non-Indigenous people.” They said, “our population is vulnerable to discrimination and coercion...and should be protected against unsolicited counsel.”

We know there is systemic racism in the health care system. Ask the family of Joyce Echaquan. How would systemic racism influence the rate of acceptance of MAID requests of indigenous and other racialized peoples? That is a pertinent question.

As Dr. Lisa Richardson, Strategic Lead, Centre for Wise Practices in Indigenous Health, Women's College Hospital, told a Senate committee on February 3, 2021:

In an environment where both systemic and interpersonal racism exists, I don’t trust that Indigenous people will be safe. I don’t trust that anti-Indigenous prejudice and bias will not affect the decision making and counselling about MAID for Indigenous people, no matter how much education is given.

Indigenous communities, many of which have felt the scourge of high suicide rates, especially among youth, may have concerns about possible contagion effects of MD-SUMC on suicidality.

Then, there is the basic question of the ability of the health care system in Canada, already stretched to the limit, to handle an expansion of MAID.

According to Dr. Eleanor Gittens of the Canadian Psychological Association, as a country we have not yet established parity between available physical and mental care. To quote her, “Care and treatment of mental illness are not covered by medicare, nor is it readily accessible.”

We do not really know how many people would request MD-SUMC, and thus whether we have enough qualified assessors. By some estimates, we would have well over 2,000 patients a year getting MD-SUMC with countless more requesting eligibility assessments. I know there is dispute around that number.

Just because there is a published Health Canada standard for MD-SUMC and a training module does not mean the system is ready. A building built on a soft foundation is not ready for occupancy, no matter the level of completion of its structure. There are today no safeguards preventing poverty, housing insecurity, loneliness, etc., that is psychosocial factors, from significantly fuelling MAID requests of those suffering from mental illness.

I will quote Dr. Rajji: “The standards document itself, the one developed by the expert panel, states that these are not clinical guidelines, and this is what is missing to ensure quality.” According, again, to Dr. Gaind, “it is a legal fiction that determinations of the eligibility of MAID are based on objective clinical judgment. In fact, I regularly witness practitioners' values influencing the interpretation of the current MAID eligibility criteria and safeguards.”

As per an article in the review Impact Ethics, “The few jurisdictions allowing MAiD for [sole] mental illness have safeguards Canada lacks, notably (unlike Canada) requirement of due care and no reasonable alternative, or treatment futility, prior to MAiD eligibility.”

In Canada, a patient would be able to qualify for MD-SUMC even if they refuse treatment. Often a psychiatric patient will refuse additional treatment owing to treatment fatigue. While treatment fatigue has been studied in the context of HIV and type 1 diabetes, with the goal of developing strategies to help overcome it, treatment fatigue has not yet received attention in psychiatry. A better understanding of treatment fatigue could lead to alternatives to MAID, such as palliative or recovery-oriented treatments.

I respect the Senate. I value the Senate. Senators bring more than just sober second thought; they bring expertise in fields crucial to good public policy making, but senators are not elected. They are not the voice of the people. It was never the government's intention to extend MAID to those suffering from mental illness.

The government was running out of runway to meet the court-imposed deadline in the Truchon decision for amending the law to remove the requirement that death be foreseeable to qualify for MAID. It could not afford a back-and-forth game of procedural ping-pong with the Senate over its last-minute amendment to remove the mental illness exclusion from Bill C-7. It had to accept the Senate's amendment to get the bill across the finish line.

In my view, we are not ready for MD-SUMC. We cannot ascertain irremediability with any acceptable degree of certainty and objectivity. We cannot sufficiently distinguish an unfettered request for MAID on the grounds of mental illness from suicidal ideation. We are not able to separate out psychosocial factors that might drive MD-SUMC. We have not properly consulted racialized communities to take account of their views, concerns and fears, notably those of indigenous communities, and we have not built proper safeguards into the law.

We do not require the involvement of a psychiatrist in assessment nor require that a person have reasonably exhausted available treatments before making a request for MD-SUMC. The few other jurisdictions that allow MD-SUMC have this requirement.

We have not studied and understood treatment fatigue such that we can develop strategies that can possibly lead a patient to other non-lethal treatment options, and finally, we have allowed an unelected body, the Senate, to drive this agenda.