Debates of March 18th, 2024

Opposition Motion—Canada's Actions to Promote Peace in the Middle East

[Alexandre Boulerice, NDP, Rosemont—La Petite-Patrie, QC]

Mr. Speaker, the people of Gaza are not responsible for the actions of certain groups like Hamas, yet they have been disproportionately suffering the consequences for the past five months. A child dies every 15 minutes in Gaza. Collective punishment is a crime. Using hunger is a war crime too.

We are extremely concerned about what is happening right now on the ground. That is why we need to act urgently to save lives. Human lives are at stake.

[Julie Dabrusin, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Environment and Climate Change and to the Minister of Energy and Natural Resources]

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time today with the member for Scarborough Centre.

I have received a lot of messages about the motion happening today, and I want to be clear about what it is not. It is not a motion for a ceasefire and for the release of hostages. If it were, that would be easy, and it would pass in the House. If the NDP wanted a motion on a ceasefire, it could have done so, and such a motion would have been able to bring people together. What we have at this moment is not that, and I am disappointed that the NDP did not rise to that moment.

This motion has divided people and has taken advantage of their pain and vulnerability. It presents a laundry list of foreign policy from which we cannot pick and choose which ones we vote on. It is not a helpful result for community members watching. It is not helpful for developing foreign policy for our country. There is a difference between shouting from the sidelines and governing a country, and this motion is stoking anger and pain among Canadians. The messages I am receiving reflect this.

There is so much pain we are feeling as we watch the war unfold in Israel and Gaza. I was horrified to watch the Hamas attack on October 7 on Israeli civilians, and I am horrified to watch the depths of destruction and the loss of life of Palestinian civilians in Gaza that continues today. I am horrified that there are still hostages being held by Hamas. It has been unfathomable. The war and the cost on civilians continues to be horrific, and it needs to stop. The violence needs to stop.

There was an opportunity to smooth over the divisions we are facing in our country today, and it is an opportunity lost. I have heard comments from all sides that cross lines, be it Islamophobia or anti-Semitism. It is not okay, and communities are hurting.

I have been asked, “Are you pro-Israel, or are you pro-Palestine?” That dichotomy misses the boat. I do not support Hamas. It is a terrorist organization that disregards the value of civilian lives, both Israeli and Palestinian. I do support the Palestinian people and their desire for a state of their own. I support the Israeli people and their state, but I am not a supporter of the Netanyahu government. His government’s response in Gaza has been heavy-handed with a massive death toll, and its actions are not moving toward peace.

This is not just about picking a team. Our hearts are big enough to care for both. We can feel pain for the Israeli people following the October 7 attack, and we can feel pain for the Palestinian people in Gaza for the impacts of this war. Our minds are big enough to seek solutions that focus on the people on the ground who need our support. We need to work together to get there, and stoking divisions stops us from building those bridges to create those solutions.

I want the war to end. I want a ceasefire, and I want the hostages to be released. If I vote against this motion, I am not condoning what is presently happening in Gaza. It is just that the motion does not solve the problem and could introduce more. However, if I vote for this motion, I am not accepting all of its terms either. That is the challenge with an omnibus motion.

I know many people from all sides will be upset by what I will say or will not say and by how I will vote. I have put a lot of thought and heart into what would be the right response, but I accept that there is no way to satisfy everyone, and it is so easy to upset everyone. So be it. The weight is on our shoulders as members of Parliament to step away from the noise and to work toward solutions that can bring peace to the region.

Let us talk about the motion itself, which has many parts, so I have to touch upon them quickly. As I have already said, I support a ceasefire and the release of hostages. We, in fact, voted for a ceasefire at the UN months ago, in December. However, we should be clear when we talk about a ceasefire that it cannot be one-sided. Both Netanyahu's government and Hamas must agree to a ceasefire. This does not land only on one side or the other.

On the trade of military goods and technology, the first piece is that we cannot stop the illegal trade with terrorist organizations. The preamble of the motion recognizes a risk to Israel from Iran-backed terrorist groups, like Hezbollah and Hamas. As far as permits to export non-lethal military equipment to Israel, they should be reviewed independently. There are different purposes for these goods. They should be reviewed, like any other permit, individually, on their purpose and use. We have been talking about, because we need to be clear, non-lethal military goods and technology.

UNRWA funding is in place, and despite the temporary pause, no payments have been missed. The next payment was always due in April, and will be paid in April. In 2016, I supported the reinstatement of funding for UNRWA that had been cancelled under the previous Conservative government. I did this because Palestinian people needed supports that the agency was best placed to deliver, but I was deeply shaken by allegations of the participation of members of UNRWA in the October 7 attack against Israel. If true, it is simply inexcusable.

At the moment, there is an emergency situation facing the people in Gaza; they need aid now. I support the temporary return of funding to UNRWA. Right now, the most important thing is to get aid to people in need. On that front, Canada has stepped up with significant funding. We can have a larger conversation about UNRWA when this emergency is over and when investigations are complete, but providing aid has to be our priority now. I support immediate, unimpeded humanitarian access to Gaza.

On international courts, as a lawyer, I support independent court systems and seeing them do their work. I will not presuppose the outcome of their work. As a country, we do not have to support any applicant, respondent or intervenor. We can respect the courts and their work. I do.

There are Canadians who want to leave Gaza. We need to get them out. I have been working with local community members to try to get their loved ones to safety. To do it, we need the agreement of neighbouring countries to allow people through their borders. We will continue to press for it. Once we are able to coordinate with neighbouring countries for people to leave Gaza, our Minister of Immigration has already stated that the number of visas could be increased, and I support that position.

Next, the motion speaks about extremist settlers, about inciting genocide, and about sanctions on Hamas leaders. I am troubled by the wording of this part. I do not like it, I have to say, but I cannot touch on each piece in too much detail. Let me say, in my view, any person, regardless of their country of origin, who incites genocide against any identifiable group should not be given entry to our country and should face penalties.

Our government has already committed to taking action in respect of extremist settlers in the West Bank. On terrorists, I think it should go without saying that I agree we should not let terrorists into our country and should maintain sanctions against them.

The next parts of the motion are connected. They are about going to a two-state solution and unilaterally recognizing the state of Palestine. I support a two-state solution. Palestinians and Israeli people will need to lead that effort with global support. It is premature for Canada to recognize a state before this negotiation. I want to see two states: Israel and Palestine. Let us work toward that goal, but let us not impose it from this side of the ocean.

There are parts of this motion that I support and others that I do not. On many, the Liberal government has already taken action or has made public calls for action. Unfortunately, I cannot break the components of the motion apart. I cannot change the wording.

I would like to take a moment to end where I began, which is to remind everyone that our hearts and minds are big enough to step out of a simple black and white, “pick a team” approach to this war. Neighbours, friends and communities are being torn apart.

This is a time when Canada can show that our diversity can be a strength because it forces us to see different points of view. Right now we are letting it be our weakness. That cannot be where the story ends for this era. Let us show we can have empathy, and let us not add to the hate.

[Michelle Rempel, Conservative, Calgary Nose Hill, AB]

Mr. Speaker, on October 7, 2023, Hamas murdered, raped and tortured over 1,000 Israelis in the worst attack on the Jewish people since the Holocaust. Hamas is listed in Canada as a terrorist organization. It wishes the destruction of Israel, still controls Gaza and holds dozens of Israeli hostages in captivity.

The provisions of the motion before us ask much of Israel and include no accountability for Hamas at all. Does the member believe that the motion is supportable and, if it were to pass, that Hamas would essentially be rewarded by the Canadian Parliament for its brutal acts of terrorism?

[Julie Dabrusin, Liberal, Toronto—Danforth, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the question, because I think it goes to the crux of the problem I have with the motion's being an omnibus motion with many different parts to it. I think there is so much that we, all of us across all sides of the aisle, can support, and it would be really wonderful if we could show that moment. There are some pieces of the motion that do deal with, for example, sanctions against Hamas leaders, so it is not that there is no mention of that. However, I say that a lot of it could be stronger in acknowledging the role of Hamas in this and the fact that it needs to be part of getting to a ceasefire; that is also in its hands.

[Leah Gazan, NDP, Winnipeg Centre, MB]

Mr. Speaker, I just want to acknowledge, as somebody with a similar history, that what is going on right now in Palestine and in Israel is very painful and brings up for me a lot of intergenerational trauma. I want to acknowledge that as a fellow human being in the discussion.

One of the comments the member made was in response to providing military arms and technology to Israel on a case-by-case basis. I have a problem with that, because Israel is currently being investigated by the ICJ for genocide. Can she explain her rationale for providing arms to Israel when it is being investigated for potential genocide?

[Julie Dabrusin, Liberal, Toronto—Danforth, ON]

Mr. Speaker, first I would like to thank the member opposite for the acknowledgement of how this triggers a lot of trauma for many people, me included, across our country when we are talking about the issues and the war that is happening.

The reason I spoke about military goods and equipment the way I did is that we are talking about non-lethal military goods. They could be, for example, armoured clothing. There are different types, and I think we should take into account what the different types are when we are reviewing them and making decisions, which should be done by bureaucrats who are trained in actually looking through the evidence.

[Sébastien Lemire, Bloc, Abitibi—Témiscamingue, QC]

Mr. Speaker, Rénal Dufour, a local priest who is also a friend, contacted me through the local paper on March 6, saying that on February 14, he had dropped off a letter at my office that was signed by 68 people—I am correcting the earlier information from the letter I read—from the northern part of Témiscamingue. In that letter, he asks that the Canadian ambassador in Tel Aviv be recalled and that the Israeli ambassador be sent back, saying that he hopes the suggestion will not fall on deaf ears. I want to ensure that is not the case.

I would like to ask a government member whether this solution of recalling Canada's ambassador to Tel Aviv is being considered by the government as part of the two-state solution.

[Julie Dabrusin, Liberal, Toronto—Danforth, ON]

Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would say that that is not part of the motion we are discussing today. From a diplomatic perspective, in any situation, even when two parties disagree, it is always important to continue talking and to be able to discuss things with other countries.

If we decide that a two-state solution is what is needed and that we have to negotiate for peace, we need to have people who are there, in the region, and who can talk to each other to achieve that peace.

[Salma Zahid, Liberal, Scarborough Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in Canada's House of Commons to speak to the carnage and the tragedy continuing to happen in Gaza. Since I first rose to speak to the situation in Israel, Gaza and the West Bank during the take-note debate on October 16, 2023, more than four months ago, my message has been consistent and very clear: There must be a lasting, endurable ceasefire to end the violence and to protect innocent civilians. There must be unimpeded and unrestricted access to Gaza for badly needed humanitarian aid. All hostages and prisoners must be released and returned to their families.

Since October, more than 31,000 civilians, many of them innocent children, have been confirmed killed. That number is likely an understatement. Many more bodies lie beneath the rubble. As of February 21, over 75% of the population of Gaza, up to 1.7 million men, women and children, has been displaced. Many have been forced to flee multiple times in futile attempts to find safety. Up to 1.9 million IDPs are residing either in 154 UNRWA shelters or near these shelters.

While the world watches, a humanitarian crisis of epic proportions is unfolding before our eyes. Two weeks ago, after Israeli gunfire, we saw the deaths of over 100 Palestinians and the injury of more than 760 as a desperate, starved and beaten people tried to get badly needed humanitarian aid in order to stay alive another day. Will there be an investigation into this massacre? Will there be justice for those people?

There must be a ceasefire, and I do not believe that Canada has yet done all within its capability to push for one. One day our grandchildren will ask us what we did as parliamentarians and as humans at this time. Let us be able to tell them that we left no stone unturned in the pursuit of peace and justice.

I am glad that the government has restored Canada's funding commitment to UNRWA. In my view, it should never have been suspended. The allegations made against several fired contractors are serious. The UN is investigating, and I hope all intelligence is shared with it to facilitate the investigation. However, it is unacceptable to collectively punish the organization for the actions of a few. Really, it is the Palestinian people who suffer, because UNRWA is the only organization with the resources on the ground to effectively deliver aid to the people of Gaza.

While we are rightly seized with the immediate crisis, the issue is much larger, and we must also look to the future. I recently had the opportunity to travel to the West Bank, Jordan and Israel with a group of humanitarian aid groups and parliamentarians. This included the member for Edmonton Strathcona, whom I thank for bringing the motion forward today. It was a moving and eye-opening trip. We can read about the situation in the region and we can watch news reports and videos shared on social media, but nothing can compare to seeing it with one's own eyes.

We visited refugee camps in Jordan and in the West Bank. We met Palestinian families displaced from their homes for generations. I was struck by the hardships and dehumanization they are forced to endure every day in their lives: not being allowed to drive on certain roads; their shops closed; constant harassment by soldiers; people dying in ambulances at checkpoints, not allowed to cross; basic resources such as water being denied to them while illegal Israeli settlements nearby have uninterrupted access; children arrested and held indefinitely and arbitrarily.

They are facing dehumanization every second of their life, yet I was also struck by the resiliency of the Palestinian people, by their optimism that one day they will be able to return and live safely and in peace in the land of their ancestors. That is what all people want: to be able to live side by side in peace and safety, to go to work, and to build a better life for the next generation.

Canada's foreign policy is support for a two-state solution, and we are in opposition to illegal Israeli settlements, yet these settlements are growing exponentially, with the express intent of making a two-state solution really impossible. When will Canada do more than just wag its finger at the deliberate policy against peace being exercised by the Netanyahu government? If there are no consequences, our words are meaningless. People are tired of empty words.

Illegal Israeli settlers are attacking Palestinians with impunity, using Netanyahu government-supplied weapons. The United States implemented sanctions against extremist settlers months ago and a second round in early February. Canada has sanctioned Hamas, but it has yet to follow our ally in sanctioning extremist Israeli settlers. I cannot understand why we have yet to act.

I welcomed our government's program to bring extended family members of Canadians out of Gaza and the immigration minister's assurance that 1,000 people is a target and not a cap. I have written to him that Palestinian refugees fleeing the war zone should have all the same support as Ukrainian refugees fleeing their war zone. Like the minister, I am frustrated that local authorities, including those in Israel and Egypt, have not been allowing Canadians and their extended families to leave Gaza for safety. As the minister said, we are all failing the Gazans at this point. They are probably under the largest hostage-taking situation in the world. What Canadians want to know is what we are going to do about it. Will there be any consequences for the hostage-taking? When will our foreign policy change?

I would like to move on to the issue of trade in military goods and technology. Canada has clear rules on the export of military arms and technology. No Canadian lethal weapons should be exported and used against innocent Palestinian civilians. The foreign affairs minister has said that no lethal weapons have been exported under her watch, and I accept her word. There have also been media reports that the government has also suspended approval of non-lethal military exports to Israel due to human rights concerns. If true, this would amount to a de facto arms embargo. Canadians are demanding clarity here. We need a clear statement from the government. The Canadians who have written to me are clear: Canadian arms cannot and must not be used against innocent civilians.

We must support the prosecution of all crimes and violations of international law committed in the region. Wars have rules, and those who have violated them, be they Israeli or Hamas, must face international justice. This means supporting the work of the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court.

Finally, Canada must officially recognize the state of Palestine as a free and democratic state alongside a free and democratic State of Israel. This cannot wait for a hoped-for final settlement between these parties. We must recognize now the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and a state of their own while negotiations for a just and equitable peace between two equal peoples continue.

I urge Canada to act on this immediately. It is time for Canada to stand up and be counted. Canadians are looking to us. They expect us to lead. They expect us to act. Either we stand for peace and justice, or we do not. Either we stand for human rights everywhere and for everyone, or we do not. I will be voting in favour of the motion. I urge my colleagues to do the same.

However, motions themselves are not enough. Canadians are demanding action. Only the government can act. I beg our government to please act for the innocent civilians of Palestine and Israel who want to live together in peace, and to act for the Canadians who want to be proud of their country once again. Let us be able to tell our next generation we were on the right side of history.

[Matthew Green, NDP, Hamilton Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I rise just to congratulate the hon. member for her courage. I had the privilege and honour of travelling with her to the West Bank, and I know that the sacrifice she has made by standing up for the basic dignity and human rights of Palestinians comes at a political cost.

My question for the hon. member reflects on our time in East Jerusalem, Ramallah and Jenin. Reflecting on the trip that we took to actually bear witness to the atrocities that are also being committed in the West Bank, could the hon. member perhaps share her thoughts on why ending the occupation is one of the preconditions for any kind of just and lasting peace, without which there remains a real impediment to any prospect of any kind of resolution in the area.

[Salma Zahid, Liberal, Scarborough Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the hon. member for his work and standing up for justice and humanity.

The week of January 13, I had the honour of joining the hon. member in visiting the West Bank, Israel and Jordan. I had heard about illegal settlements for a very long time, but I saw the scope of the illegal settlements and the dehumanization that Palestinians face in their lives every day. I was in Bethlehem at the Aida refugee camp, where I spoke directly with families. I heard from them that, every night, they sleep with the fear that someone might raid their houses. Men tell their wives and daughters not to take their hijabs off because someone might enter.

They are facing dehumanization every second, so it is very important that Canada recognize those settlements as illegal. We need to make sure that we take action. Netanyahu's government has expanded and encouraged illegal settlers. It is important to take that into account and make sure that we put an end to the illegal settlements.

[Marty Morantz, Conservative, Charleswood—St. James—Assiniboia—Headingley, MB]

Mr. Speaker, Hamas has been recognized by Canada as a terrorist organization since 2002. On October 7, it launched a brutal assault, killing some 1,200 Israelis, including children and the elderly, and taking over 200 more hostage. One of the hostages is a one-year-old baby, Kfir Bibas, who remains in captivity.

In response, this motion calls for Canada to tell Israel that it does not have a right to defend itself against this evil and to reward Hamas attacks by reversing Canada's long-held policy supporting a two-state solution negotiated and agreed on by both Israelis and Palestinians. Is it now going to be the policy of the member's government to reward Hamas terrorists for their heinous war crimes?

[Salma Zahid, Liberal, Scarborough Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, Hamas is a terrorist group, but it does not represent or speak for the Palestinian people. It should not and must not have a role in the future of Palestine.

Let us be clear: Whether we choose to recognize it or not, Palestine is a state. The Palestinian people have a right to self-determination, as do all people. The contention that this would somehow reward Hamas is a nonsensical argument, and it is official: The Palestinian people have the right to their own state. We cannot and must not allow the Netanyahu government, whose air strikes have killed tens of thousands of innocent Palestinian civilians and is encouraging illegal settlements on Palestinian territory, a veto over Palestinian human rights.

[Mark Gerretsen, Liberal, Kingston and the Islands, ON]

Mr. Speaker, on a point of order, I want to bring to your attention that, in accordance with Standing Order 43(2)(a), all further periods of debate for Liberal members shall be divided in two.

[Julie Vignola, Bloc, Beauport—Limoilou, QC]

Mr. Speaker, for a week now, we have been getting a lot of emails. Some ask us to vote in favour of the NDP motion, while others ask us to vote against it. Those asking us to vote in favour of the motion say that if we vote against it, then we are genocidal. Any way you slice it, we are either genocidal or anti-Semitic.

When I take a step back and look at these emails, I see that all anyone is asking for is to live in peace, both here and there. These two nations have been at war for years, but, during all that time, civilians are the ones who have been paying the price for politics.

Does my colleague think that we can finally agree and ensure that these two nations can soon live in peace side by side?

[Salma Zahid, Liberal, Scarborough Centre, ON]

Mr. Speaker, lasting peace in the region is really very important, and we have to make sure that we put an end to the killing of innocent civilians. We have lost over 31,000 innocent civilians through this war.

Voting in favour or against this motion is about morals; it is about humanity. I will be voting in favour, because I think it is the right thing to do. There should be an immediate ceasefire, and there should be unimpeded access for humanitarian aid in the region.

[Lindsay Mathyssen, NDP, London—Fanshawe, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the hon. member for Windsor West.

There are many reasons I am proud to be a New Democrat. New Democrats work to make government responsive to the needs of Canadians; we are building the social programs that create fairness, equality and social democracy; we build people up; we celebrate not only what makes us different but also what brings us together; and we know that only by working together, neighbour to neighbour, shoulder to shoulder, are we stronger. Unlike other parties that only work to secure their own power or work to tear people down and pit them against each other, we know that government is for people and by people, and New Democrats fight for that for everyone, everywhere.

We truly understand the importance of human rights. We know that justice or fairness cannot be a slogan; it cannot be used to manipulate people into voting for one party. It is not something that only applies to a certain group of people, and it certainly does not just apply to those with the deepest pockets or those who expect power and wield it in a self-serving manner.

As New Democrats, we are used to doing the right thing before everyone else does. We are the party that knows the value of medicare, pharmacare and a pension plan. We are the party with leaders such as Alexa McDonough, who stood with Maher Arar without question, and Ed Broadbent, whose human rights advocacy was celebrated globally. The fight for equality and human rights is why New Democrats have brought forward today's motion, which I am proud to support.

Many people know that, two months ago, I visited East Jerusalem and the West Bank. I went because of my constituents. In London, we are so lucky to have one of the largest communities of Palestinian Canadians, but I see the pain in their eyes and I hear the desperation in their voices when they ask me to help get their families out of Gaza. My constituents have repeatedly told me that Gaza is but one part of occupied Palestine in which the human rights of Palestinians are denied. In the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the insecurity and the targeting of Palestinians by settlers and Israeli forces have only increased in recent months. This is a serious crisis of global proportions that has deeply affected members of my riding in London, and I had to go see it for myself.

I can honestly say that the trip was one of the hardest things I have done, but it was also one of the most important. I visited refugee camps with families who had lived there for generations; families who still hope for a day when they can be reunited with their loved ones, returning to their former homes on their land; and families who live in villages where every single building is riddled with bullet holes, where the infrastructure and the people are attacked daily. I have never experienced such systematic dehumanization. I have never seen what many human rights groups call a system of apartheid. I saw injustice, despair, poverty and generational trauma. I also saw children playing with such innocence and joy, and I will never forget their beautiful faces.

I was greeted by people who were so generous with what little they had. They invited me into their homes with incredible kindness. However, they carry unimaginable trauma. They have seen an incredible amount of violence. The reality of living in a refugee camp, where death and destruction permeate everything they know, is untenable.

I spoke to young people at the UNRWA school in Amman, who asked their teachers why they were being taught about human rights when they would never know them. I must never forget what I witnessed, and I will never stop fighting for their future and for their human rights.

The past five months have been incredibly painful for many in my community. As members of our communities mourn friends and family in Israel who were killed in the Hamas attacks, many are also watching Netanyahu’s collective punishment of the people of Gaza in horror. In London, I meet with many people who live in fear every day that they may never see their sons, their parents, their brothers or their cousins again.

Muslims in London, in Canada and around the world are observing Ramadan and, despite the heaviness in our hearts, I want to wish them Ramadan Mubarak. I have broken the fast with many in my community over the years, but this year is very different. Instead of a joyful coming together at Iftars, last week, I spoke with so many who are angry, scared, frustrated and devastated by the lack of action and courage from the Canadian government.

My riding and my city are still scarred from the heinous murder of a beautiful Muslim family. My city is still dealing with the aftermath of this terrorist attack on a member of our own. Our London family stays in our hearts, and after that attack in 2021, I watched tens of thousands of Londoners come together and promise that we would remain united and fight for each other. However, this will leave a scar on my community for many generations.

Now, on top of all that pain, my constituents watch what the International Court of Justice says is a plausible genocide in Gaza, and the Liberal government does nothing.

My office helped a grandmother escape from Gaza a few months ago. She cannot celebrate the safety she now has with her family. Instead, she constantly watches the television and the news in fear, desperately hoping for a ceasefire. She is terrified for the children, grandchildren, family and friends she has left behind. She finds no solace in Canada.

Many others on both sides of this war also find no comfort living in Canada or being Canadian. They have told me they feel like second-class citizens here. They are treated differently. They are discriminated against. They see anti-Semitism, Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian hatred grow. They see their government, which once had a reputation in the world as a leader against that kind of racism and violence, now hide away from taking real action or being a leader in the world.

They have also told me that some of what the government has done is actually more harmful to them. In December, as Canadians appealed to the government to help their loved ones reach safety, New Democrats asked for the introduction of special immigration measures for Gaza. While the government did finally announce some measures, the actual rollout included a discriminatory and arbitrary cap of 1,000 applications, as well as demeaning questions. To date, not one applicant has arrived.

My constituents told me directly that these actions by the Government of Canada were racist and made them question whether they were truly seen as citizens. In the House today, we have the opportunity to take a stand against that hatred. We cannot turn our backs on people, using the excuse that the situation is simply too complicated. It is actually very simple: We must uphold international law.

Canada can and must do what New Democrats have outlined in our motion. We have to reinstate the UNRWA funding and protect against the suspension ever happening again. Canada must respect the ruling from the International Court of Justice and support the court’s work. We have to ban extremist settlers and impose sanctions on Israeli officials who incite genocide, just as we have imposed sanctions on Hamas leaders.

We have to stop fuelling this crisis with weapons and abide by the UN's and the International Court of Justice's calls to stop all arms exports to Israel, as they are concerned about the violation of international humanitarian law. We need to work with international partners to counter terrorism in the Middle East. We need to officially recognize the state of Palestine and work toward a two-state solution.

We need to do the hard work diplomatically to help end the decades-long occupation of Palestinian territories and invest in building a just and sustainable peace for Palestinians and Israelis. We need to stand up for human rights and the dignity of all Canadians, for my constituents in London, for the people I visited in the Jenin and Jerash refugee camps and for the millions of people in Gaza who are not responsible for the actions of Hamas, but who deserve to live.

As the NDP’s critic for national defence, I need to take a few more moments to speak to growing concerns about our role in this conflict. Through operations Artemis, Impact and Proteus and our participation in Operation Prosperity Guardian, Canadian Armed Forces members had been deployed in the region long before this conflict began.

I have tried to get a briefing for the Standing Committee on National Defence on their role, but I was told officials were unavailable. I requested a briefing from the minister and have received no response. It is unacceptable that the government refuses to provide clear explanations and transparency with the public around our military roles in the region.

As parliamentarians, we have a sacred obligation to every person in uniform to ensure that, when we are asking them to risk their lives abroad, we are doing so to serve Canada’s highest values. We need to have transparency in this. We cannot repeat the same grave mistakes we made in Somalia or Afghanistan.

As parliamentarians, we have a lot of tough decisions to make, but I am determined to make a real difference and improve the lives of my constituents. Today we discuss Canada’s responsibility to its citizens, its place in the world and its reputation for doing the right thing.

I implore all members. They have the choice and the chance to vote for this motion, which is something that could put us on the right side of history, and to say to those children I met in the West Bank and Jordan and those tens of thousands of children now at risk of starvation and death in Gaza that they are worth protecting. They can have a peaceful future if we build it together.

[Chandra Arya, Liberal, Nepean, ON]

Mr. Speaker, like her, a few years back, I visited Palestine and the West Bank, and, like her, I noted the worsening conditions of the occupiers imposed on Palestinian people. I note she mentioned the human rights report, the Amnesty International report, which was also concurred in by the Israeli human rights commission on the apartheid policies that Israel imposes on the occupied territories.

During her visit, did she see the settlers violence? Unfortunately, people know about the violence that is happening in Gaza with over 30,000 people killed, but not many people are aware of the settlers violence happening in the West Bank. I will ask her to briefly speak on that.

[Lindsay Mathyssen, NDP, London—Fanshawe, ON]

Mr. Speaker, when we had a chance to visit the Jenin Camp in the West Bank, we saw that violence. It occurs every day. In fact, every night, settlers will come into the camp to destroy all the infrastructure: the water storage units and the roads. They even go so far as the destruction of garbage cans so that they cannot collect garbage, and it piles up. They attempt to do everything possible to drive people out.

It was incredible to see, like I said in my speech, the children who run around that camp. As soon as they know that a stranger is safe, as strangers are not always safe because of the nightly and daily violence they see, they run over to them and want to practice their English. They want to hug them. There is a chance we have here to save that innocence and to save those children, and I ask the House do that today.

[Brad Redekopp, Conservative, Saskatoon West, SK]

Mr. Speaker, when we saw what happened in Israel following the heinous attacks by Hamas on October 7, and when we see what is happening to innocent civilians in Gaza who are also victims of Hamas's violent ideology, our hearts go out to all the innocent people who are suffering, especially because many of those suffering are women and children.

Conservatives want peace in the region, and we believe that, ultimately, this would be achieved through a two-state solution, negotiated and agreed upon by both sides. However, we also know this can only happen once Hamas and other terrorist organizations are removed from power. We know this can only happen when Israelis and Palestinians can be guaranteed peace and security, living side by side. This has been the policy of Canada for decades, under both Liberal and Conservative governments, yet it is the policy that this motion seeks to upend.

Will the member admit that by abandoning this policy, this motion would do nothing to bring peace and security to Israelis and Palestinians?

[Lindsay Mathyssen, NDP, London—Fanshawe, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I am sorry the hon. member does not understand what the motion actually calls for. It calls for the ceasefire. It calls for that peace. It calls for the recognition of two states in order to create a two-state solution. It does not recognize anything beyond what Hamas has done, and we certainly call that out in terms of the violence that has been created.

Ultimately, violence has to stop before conversations can begin, and that has taken a long time. That may continue to take a long time. We have to take a stand, and we have to show the courage to do so. I ask the hon. member to take a serious consideration of what that courage looks like.

[Luc Desilets, Bloc, Rivière-des-Mille-Îles, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to know what my colleague from London—Fanshawe thinks about the Liberals' position. At the beginning of the day, it was my understanding that they did not support this motion. Now, we have just heard a few speeches that suggest that the Liberals might vote in favour of the motion. Perhaps it will be a free vote.

What does she think? Are they for or against the motion? If they are against it, what aspect of the motion do they not like? The Bloc Québécois thinks that this motion is perfectly acceptable.

[Lindsay Mathyssen, NDP, London—Fanshawe, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I think those are really great questions for the Liberals within caucus. I certainly have seen some come forward to openly support this and some of those who do not. I am frustrated by the fact that the government seems to want to be able to take two sides on this, when calling for a ceasefire is what I truly believe is necessary, and coming forward.

Again, I call for courage within the House. I advocate for all members in the House to do so. I know that, within my community, the frustration with Liberals trying to hold both sides will not continue to hold water.

[Brian Masse, NDP, Windsor West, ON]

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity to rise in this chamber on this very serious issue. I am proud to have a party that is not afraid and that would not run away from the difficult discussions that have to happen on the fact that this country can play a role of positive influence.

Like many people, on October 7, we were horrified to see what Hamas had done. The continued killing of hostages is something we can never recover from in any respect, whatsoever, for the people of Israel, who are continuing to suffer from the loss. We know there has been a political movement, even in Israel itself, to free the hostages as a primary element. I can say that, as horrifying as that day was, further killing is not going to bring back the victims.

One really important thing to keep in mind in this debate is that in the past, Canada has made, and can make, a difference. This is a discussion that is happening in many chambers across the world, including the United States most recently, where Senator Chuck Schumer intervened on the issue of Netanyahu, calling him a “major obstacle to peace”. Therefore, it is important to recognize the responsible motion that we have put forward here, calling for several objectives that could make a difference for the victims.

I am thinking of my area in Windsor-Detroit where, outside of the Middle East, we have the largest Muslim population and many Palestinians and others. I am thinking of my friend Rashida Tlaib. Every time we have touched base on this issue and on other things, it has always ended with “save lives”. I had a chance to visit with her in Washington, D.C., this past week, and I can tell members again that the message right now is how we can continue to save lives. What Canada needs to do right now is to put further pressure to see this happen.

I have been in this chamber and have seen what can take place when Canada goes to the roots of its democracy in this chamber and how it can make a difference. I had a motion on the genocide in Srebrenica that was passed in this chamber. It was done with the Conservatives at that time. Lawrence Cannon, the minister of transport at the time, also took an interest in this. We passed a motion that recognized Srebrenica as a genocide.

The reason I raise this as an important factor is that I went to Bosnia and later to Sarajevo. In Sarajevo there is the monument that recognizes the children who were murdered. It has two pillars on the inside and also has an area that goes around it with the footprints of children to recognize their lives that were lost.

I went to the Srebrenica–Potočari Memorial. Right now, it recognizes 8,372 victims who have been identified, and each year, 25 years later, there are still more bodies being found and identified because there are 7,000 or more missing. At that time, there were 8,000 Muslim boys, men and youth murdered and massacred in eight days. The world did not act enough at that time, so now it has been called the biggest forensic puzzle in the world.

I remember going there after we passed our motion. It is actually recognized in the Canadian Museum for Human Rights. I felt ashamed, basically, that all we could offer at that time was recognition of their suffering as they continued to grieve. I will never forget meeting with the mothers of the genocide victims down at the site. I will never forget when one of them grabbed my arm and thanked me. Meanwhile, that day, she was burying her son and her husband, and all that was left of them were pieces of their arms and shoulders. That is all there was to identify them.

She thanked me and presented me with the flower of Srebrenica, which has 11 petals in recognition of that day in July. What happens every year on July 11 now is unbelievable. When I went there, I had to have a bodyguard with me. When that bodyguard went to pray, I had to go into a bunker because of concerns and issues that still take place. There are thousands of people in this graveyard, over 8,000 already, and small coffins are identified. There were over 500 the day I was there, and they are draped. The people refuse to take money from the United Nations or other organizations, and they do this every year. The coffin is passed above the heads of the people standing there. One does not move; the coffin moves. It makes its way, all the way, to the gravesite.

I am raising this because lives do matter here, and acting and doing something is more. The longer we wait, the longer we call for a ceasefire, the more suffering there is, and that is not going to bring anybody back. That has to be the primary concern right now.

The motion that we have is consistent with what we, as New Democrats, have been calling for since day one, which is to call for the ceasefire. That was, in the days of old, the usual position for Canada, to use our weight to help move others toward more peaceful solutions than what exist right now.

Sadly, I know of families who have lost dozens of people in my riding and in other places because they lived together. To get the idea, Gaza itself is the size of Detroit. There is just nowhere people can go to be safe. We know now that starvation issue is at a high-water mark in many respects. People have resorted to eating pigeon food and grass.

We have seen a rise of anti-Semitism in the past in this country, and I want to note that. I understand the pain and suffering because I have seen it in my own community, even long before this, when swastikas were painted on sidewalks or in front of people's homes. All that still exists in our society, and it is something we have to continue to fight against every single day. However, we are not going to be able to fix anything until there is a ceasefire.

If we could help move other countries in that direction, then we could save lives. That is the most important thing I will continue to resort to in that regard. I have seen pictures of children in Egypt missing limbs, and some in our community are trying to see if they could bring them back here because they now have no other relatives; maybe they have a cousin here.

The 1,000 cap is just unbelievably cruel. It is unbelievably cruel to give false hope for even those 1,000 people as they scramble, and we cannot get anybody over here.

We talk about the people we are trying to bring here. Just like in the past, who are the Palestinians in my community? They are doctors, lawyers and health care professionals. They are also teachers, and workers. Those are the people contributing right now. The frustration of being helpless in this is very difficult for them and for their families.

There is a guilt factor, especially with Ramadan right now. Here, they have access to fasting and have water and food later on. Their relatives or family friends do not know if they can contact them tomorrow, because if there is no cell phone or Internet service, they may not be able to connect with them.

It brings me to an important point when it comes to civil society and collectivity, not only here. We have people like Donald Trump saying things like “finish the problem” versus what we have seen in the past, which was Canada using its weight to push the United States to call for ceasefires at different points in time.

If we do not exercise that ability here in this chamber with this motion, then what do we stand for? We stand for, basically, calling ourselves out of the international equation of humanitarian relief.

We have witnessed churches, synagogues and a mosque being vandalized over the last number of years. If we turn away from this now, as well, we are also going to witness Canada distancing itself from international responsibility where we can help out. Unfortunately, the sad thing about this, as a return, is that we cannot stop the damage done, but we can stop more.

That is why I went to Srebrenica, and I want to finish with this. Senad was a Canadian who was from Bosnia and who served in the hospitals. He worked with me on this bill. Sadly, he died of leukemia. When we went there, the strongest message we heard, in our humility, was that at least Canada had a voice and that at least Canada did something. That was better than nothing. It was important enough for them to say thanks.

[Elizabeth May, Green, Saanich—Gulf Islands, BC]

Mr. Speaker, the words of the member for Windsor West moved and touched me. I would really love if it were absolutely true that, regardless of party, we were taking steps to see that this country does more, whatever we are capable of doing, in the heavy lifting to bring about peace. We know that peaceful solutions do not come without much diplomacy and much moral suasion to say we have to protect the lives of children and we defend the lives of Israeli and Palestinian children. I think this motion helps us to get there.

Can my hon. colleague from Windsor West think of any other way that we can get partisanship out of our way, because it stands in the way of peace?