House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was finance.

Last in Parliament September 2007, as Bloc MP for Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2006, with 56% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Patent Drugs April 29th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Industry. Despite the unsettling effect that his hasty, irresponsible statement about reviewing the drug patent legislation has had, the Minister of Industry reiterated yesterday his intention of going ahead with a review of the legislation. Already, the review is jeopardizing important investments in Quebec.

Does the minister intend to follow up on the request of his Quebec colleague and put to rest his concerns, as well as those of the multinational which this week decided, further to Ottawa's hasty announcement to reopen Bill C-91, the drug patent legislation, that it was holding off on a $50 million investment in Quebec?

Supply April 28th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I forgot to mention that negotiations were ongoing on yogurt and ice cream, as my colleague mentioned a few minutes ago. It is a very important sector for Quebec since it absorbs around 48 or 49 per cent of industrial milk, that is to say milk used to make yogurt and ice cream.

On a national level, it is more like 15 per cent. Forty per cent of the total Canadian yogurt production comes from Quebec, that is why this sector is vital for the future of the dairy industry in Quebec. I forgot to mention these negotiations, but I am quite sure that the member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell did not even know about them.

Supply April 28th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I will start with the last question because as usual the hon. member for Glengarry-Prescott-Russell has gone too far. He said that in spite of the loss of article XI, supply management sectors would survive, and so forth. I never said they would not. I said: stop deceiving Quebec

producers by saying that you won on all fronts. Producers are now adjusting, and I can assure you that these are very talented and ingenious people. They will adjust. They will get through this rough spot, but I don't think you will in the next election.

We say stop deceiving the producers who know everything there is to know about GATT articles. They know perfectly well that article XI has been replaced by a tariff that will be reduced gradually. It will not be easy to adjust, but they will. Nobody said supply management was dead in the dairy sector and the agricultural industry. You only hear what you want to hear.

I also think we should stop underestimating the intelligence of farm producers regarding another issue raised by the hon. member opposite. In referring to tariffs, we said that today, negotiations were taking place between the United States and Canada, and if the hon. member denies the existence of these negotiations, he is contradicting what was said by his minister of agriculture, his Minister for International Trade, his Minister of Finance and his own Prime Minister.

On December 15, a Canadian task force was appointed by the Prime Minister when the GATT agreement was signed. On the American side, an American task force was appointed by President Clinton to examine the implications of the GATT agreement and the corresponding section of the North American free trade agreement. How do we manage both?

The first thing the Americans said was that NAFTA took precedence over the GATT agreement as far as tariffs were concerned. In other words, the new tariff designed to protect the agriculture and dairy sectors should come under NAFTA, which provides that in ten years' time, tariffs will be phased out. If he does not have the facts, I think he should stop talking nonsense.

Incidentally, last week I was reading a report from the Prairie Pool and the Western Producer which said the Canadian government should stand firm on the durum wheat issue. These are not my words but those of western producers and editorial writers. If the hon. member thinks we only read about what happens in Quebec, he is wrong. We take our responsibilities as the Official Opposition very seriously, and to us it is clear Canada is not doing its job to protect western grain producers in the case of durum wheat exports to the United States. That is the subject of today's debate. I realize the truth may not be palatable, but above all, I wish the hon. member would stop talking nonsense. When one does not know the facts, one refrains from commenting.

Supply April 28th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I am very happy to speak today on the agricultural sector and to debate the motion of my colleague, the Official Opposition critic on agriculture.

I had the opportunity and the honour to work for a long time for the farmers of Quebec and I can tell you that, since 1986 in particular, the significant changes occurring throughout the world, the GATT negotiations, North American free trade, et cetera, have occupied a lot of their thoughts and forced them to act in co-operation to deal with these changes.

They know where they want to go and what they, their partners and governments should aim for. All that is left to do is make the federal government move toward the clearly expressed goals they set for themselves.

In February 1991, when the Farmers Union started a reflection process called the rural summit conference-incidently, I want to pay tribute to Jacques Proulx, who until very recently was president of the Farmers Union. He acted as a great leader in involving not only agri-food partners but also rural partners in this wonderful rural summit conference. Today I pay tribute to this great leader, Jacques Proulx, former president of the Farmers Union.

What resulted from this? A strong desire on the part of farmers and all rural stakeholders to take control of their own destiny.

They talked about co-operation between local and regional partners, about protecting and renewing rural resources, and especially about redistributing political powers from the top down.

What does this mean? It means a modern day approach to managing agricultural and rural development policies. It means decentralization, a word the people opposite do not know and have never recognized, for better efficiency.

This exercise continued at the Trois-Rivières summit in 1991 where stakeholders in the Quebec agri-food sector met to decide on a number of policies and commitments.

The decisions included, among other initiatives, more research, as well as the transfer of new technologies, as part of a strategy to conquer markets, because we have really developed a liking for conquering new markets and making gains in the context of globalization.

The various players in the agri-food industry also made very firm commitments. Again, under the leadership of Mr. Jacques Proulx, the former UPA president, commitments were made to establish a more efficient link between research, technology transfers and production, as well as better co-ordination of research activities conducted by governments and private sector universities.

Some very serious commitments were made. I am not talking about meaningless speeches such as the one made earlier by the Minister of Finance on behalf of the minister of agriculture. I mean real commitments.

For example, it was decided to approve, upgrade and support human resources training.

A commitment was made to ensure the continuity, development and growth of agri-food industries through the identification of particularly promising sectors, not only at the domestic level, but also internationally.

Several commitments were made and, in particular, it was decided to work hard at readjusting income security programs in the agricultural sector so that they comply not only with NAFTA, but also with GATT.

A commitment was made by all those involved in Quebec's agri-food industry, including farmers, processors, distributors and even exporters, to promote financing and self-reliance of agricultural operations by ensuring the most efficient and inexpensive transfer of farms to the new generation. Indeed, we must not forget that to be productive a farming operation must have a very high capital available as well as very modern equipment. In short, farmers often have to borrow huge amounts of money to be productive and more and more competitive on the national and international markets. To promote and improve programs aimed at encouraging young people to take up farming is another commitment made at the Trois-Rivières summit, which was an historical Summit according to all the key players involved in the Quebec agri-food industry at that time.

From all the considerations, commitments and principles the partners in the Quebec agri-food industry came up with, I developed four avenues that the stakeholders should use and the governments should support.

First, we should promote the autonomy of farming enterprises and processing plants by supporting their efforts and not by taking their places. We should make sure the government, for example, support their efforts to help them adapt to the new market requirements. When we talk about markets, we are talking about the taste of the consumers who are becoming more and more sophisticated and are asking for overprocessed products, what we call high quality, flawless products.

The idea is also to promote the autonomy and performance of enterprises trying to access new international markets. That is the new creed. We cannot simply talk about globalization and let the stakeholders down by saying the free market will take care of things. We must organize and co-ordinate our efforts. The expansion of our farming industry must be based on better co-operation between all those involved in the agri-food sector.

Second, we should consider farmers to be entrepreneurs and support regional entrepreneurship. In order to face the new realities of the 1980s and 1990s like globalization farmers had to get into management in a big way. I say this because I have met quite a few farmers in my time, starting in 1982 when I was with Agriculture Canada and especially between 1986 and 1991 when I was employed by the Union des producteurs agricoles. Agriculture is a high risk sector. It is a sector in which it is very difficult to perform well. Any farmer who wants to make a decent living faces a number of factors that are beyond his control, including often unpredictable weather conditions.

Operating in a high risk sector while also coping with globalization and increased competition from outside Quebec or Canada requires exceptional management skills. I want to pay tribute to our 47,000 farm producers in Quebec for what they do every day, because it is not easy to work for about 14, 15 or 16 hours a day to support a family, and I think we should respect these great artisans of modern farming.

These great artisans also need ongoing professional training because, when we talk about globalization, internationalization and increased competition, these skilled managers must be capable of keeping up with the increased competition, especially since after the signing of the GATT agreements there will be less and less protection at the border in the years to come. In other words, there will be more and more competition from food imports from the United States, Mexico and Latin America generally, from Europe and even from new countries like Ukraine, which at one time was, and may well again become, the world's bread basket. Not Canada but Ukraine is, or at least was, the world's bread basket until 1990, when the bureaucracy did its work, as bureaucracies will do-and we are seeing today in the federal government-and took over and made Ukraine lose its position as the world's bread basket.

There is a third option we should explore if we want consistent programs to deal with today's challenges, and that is decentralization.

As I said earlier, there is unanimous support for decentralization in Quebec. When we talk about bringing government closer to the grassroots, this also applies to agriculture. There is a consensus in Quebec that has grown since in 1989 at the annual convention of the Union des producteurs agricoles a resolution was passed by 99.3 per cent of delegates from all over Quebec and from every sector of the agricultural industry that the federal government should cease its involvement in the agricultural sector in Quebec. They said also that we should repatriate all of the levers and budgets, but only after these budgets are redressed and made more equitable.

As my colleague said earlier, the fairness of federal interventions in the area of agriculture is certainly not going to choke the federal government, for it certainly has not during the last 15 years. Federal interventions have always been unfair to Quebec.

Therefore, decentralization and repatriation of powers and public funds in support of the farmers' efforts is a third possibility we must look upon favourably since these elements are not sufficient, given the new realities to which we have to adjust.

The fourth avenue is support for the transition toward sustainable agriculture. Sustainable agriculture will protect and help regenerate the resources used in the production of agricultural goods while at the same time satisfying the advocates of economic performance. Not only is sustainability vital, it is also serves to promote agriculture, as does food quality or safety.

Agriculture in Quebec, as in the rest of Canada for that matter, will be competitive only if we can offer products that are not only as good as those of our trading partners but even better. We must increase support for the trend toward sustainable development that Quebec farmers adopted a couple of years ago; it is not easy for them to go from conventional farming or breeding techniques to increasingly environment friendly methods, but it pays. When it comes to adapting to a new world order, I would say that it is a promotion tool without equal which could rapidly be recognized as such by our trading partners.

I will give, as a recent example of this, the growth hormone called bovine somatotropin, which produces a 15 to 30 per cent increase in milk production, depending on the study. My colleague will correct me if I am wrong but according to the public hearings held by the committee on agriculture, we will get a moratorium, and already American processors have been telling us that if we do not use the bovine somatotropin in the coming year we could benefit from it since it is being used by American producers. Take lactose products for newborns, for example; the use of a growth hormone such as somatotropin can be detrimental to the image of companies such as Global and other firms involved in the manufacture of that kind of product.

Therefore, the payback could be great for Quebec and Canadian dairy farmers, for instance, if their products were more "natural" and retained a healthier image.

All the commitments from the agri-food stakeholders in Quebec and across Canada and their boundless dynamism and energy are confronted with the government's lack of action and its laissez faire attitude, as mentioned in the opposition motion.

I listened to the Minister of Finance say a few minutes ago that the government had received everything it wanted from the GATT negotiations. Really, there is no better example of the government's lack of action to help support the growth and development of the agriculture sector in Quebec and Canada than this one. We did not get anything in these negotiations. As soon as the GATT agreement was signed, we were told that Canada had won on all fronts, but it was all a show. The truth is Canada lost section XI(2)(c)(i) of the GATT.

I repeat, we do not blame the government for losing article XI(2)(c)(i). What we are blaming it for is trying to dupe the farmers of Quebec and Canada by telling them that we have won on all fronts. Over the last six years farmers have become experts in trade negotiations, they are experts on GATT.

Do not insult their intelligence by telling them that we won everything. Please let us show some respect for the farmers of Quebec and Canada. They are willing to adapt; they do it constantly and they have demonstrated their resilience. They will adapt to this new situation, but enough of these triumphant speeches on GATT and agriculture. Canadian negotiators under the direction of the new Liberal government won absolutely nothing.

The same is true for export subsidies for our colleagues, the grain farmers of western Canada. The main objective of the Uruguay round, which started in 1986, was precisely to eliminate export subsidies, the source of many problems in the grain sector since 1978. Instead, we are talking of a 36 per cent reduction in subsidies over the next few years. These subsidies should have been eliminated altogether.

There is another example of this government's lack of action, again in the grain sector. Look at the way the government behaves when faced with threats of American action against durum wheat. Western grain producers, the first producers of the best quality durum wheat in the world, are threatened daily and unfairly with trade retaliation by the Americans. They are not more subsidized than their American counterparts. Policies like the Crow's Nest Pass Agreement relating to western grain transportation are being criticized, while the Americans have the same subsidies for grain transportation on the Mississippi.

Why does this government not defend itself by saying no way, there is a limit? You are telling us that our durum wheat is subsidized, you want to threaten us with export quotas on the U.S. market while you are subsidizing your grain producers perhaps even more than Canadian grain producers. I say perhaps because only a study would demonstrate it.

That too is another example of the inertia of this government toward agriculture in Quebec and Canada.

We can also talk now about bilateral negotiations between Canada and the United States. Admittedly, I am concerned with the new tariffication coming out of the GATT negotiations, one that is supposed to apply to milk and farming industries. The Americans are claiming since the beginning, since December 15 of last year, this new tariffication which will replace import controls under article XI must be subject to the provisions of the North American Free Trade Agreement, which provides for the elimination of tariffs over the next 10 years. Even with a tariff protection of 343 per cent for butter, contrary to what the Minister of Finance was saying, we have gained nothing yet. We

are still negotiating and the Americans are very tough in these negotiations. Canadian negotiators, led by the present government, have been behaving like pee-wees since the beginning of the trade negotiations.

I see that my time is running out, but I think that I can give a few more examples of inertia.

I look at what is happening in the chicken industry, in the poultry industry in general. The bickering between Quebec and Ontario is destabilizing the industry as a whole and is jeopardizing the normal development of that industry, as well as the implementation of measures allowing it to face world competition. I see the lack of leadership in that issue.

The minister of agriculture should show a little more leadership, deal with the matter and act as a conciliator instead of not giving a darn about it and letting people fight.

Mr. Speaker, this is unacceptable and you can understand much better what is meant by government inaction in the agricultural sector.

It is the same thing with all the discussions going on about the new income security programs in the agricultural sector.

I asked the minister of agriculture a number of times, as I pointed out to the Minister of Finance this morning, to show responsibility and to instruct his officials who are negotiating the new income security programs, especially in the horticultural sector, to proceed with the negotiations so that a new income security program can be put in place for market farmers in Quebec and Ontario who agree with that and to stop buying everything senior officials say.

Unfortunately, those people will not show any leadership. They go along with anything senior officials say during negotiations and discussions.

I find that in the present circumstances it is very dangerous to have leaders like that, political leaders who do not take their responsibilities and who show no accountability whatsoever, given the enormous challenges facing the agricultural sector in Quebec and in Canada.

In closing, I wish that in the forthcoming months farmers in Quebec and in Canada will be better served by their federal government because they deserve to be supported for the tremendous efforts they have been making for the past years to meet the challenges of globalization, in particular.

As for Quebec producers, we are proposing to them, through sovereignty, to take up the great challenge they talked about during the discussions held over the past years, that is to give Quebec an agricultural sector that would be strong, environmentally friendly but above all that would provide a living for farmers, men and women, in Quebec and in Canada as well.

We are giving all those farmers, especially those living in Quebec, a chance to take part in the agri-food program of their own country.

Supply April 28th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, thank you very much for this opportunity to address the Minister of Finance. I had no idea that he could speak so eloquently about farming.

Speaking for the minister of agriculture, the Minister of Finance stated earlier that I supported a reduction in farm subsidies. Given the enormous upheavals that the agricultural sector in Quebec and in Canada is currently experiencing, I would never have said such a thing quite the contrary.

The government should continue to support the agricultural sector and perhaps even increase that level of support, not only to the primary sector but to the processing sector as well so as to improve the industry's current performance and prepare it to face the challenge of global competition.

When we speak of the government's lack of action, here is what we are talking about. Since 1986 and as far back as 1982, when I was working for the federal Department of Agriculture, there has been a great deal of discussion, at the federal level at least, with the provinces and farmers.

Since 1986 discussions have involved the Conservatives primarily. The current Minister of Finance says that he deplores the fact that no decision is ever taken. Why is that? Because the very same thing is happening today. Senior officials want to implement agricultural policies across the board and coast to coast. I have often questioned the minister of agriculture about income security programs and the negotiations currently taking place between his officials and market growers. His answer has been to leave everything in the capable hands of his officials whose job it is to deal with these matters.

My question, therefore, is to the minister of agriculture. When will real policies be drafted to give Canadian farmers the ability to meet the challenge of global markets and when will the government show some backbone in the face of constant trade dispute threats from the Americans, as is presently the case with respect to tariffs on Canadian durum wheat?

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act April 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, my party will examine the hon. member's suggestion on its merits. One thing is for sure, we welcome the hon. member's remarks and we are relieved to see that not all the members opposite are puppets or marionettes.

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act April 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I accept my colleague's apologies.

Why should we convene a royal commission of inquiry? I will give you several reasons why. First, to respond to the recommendations of Mr. Robert Nixon who brought to light a number of irregularities. At one point, he said that lobbyists had played a very crucial role in this whole affair, along with friends of the Conservatives and the Liberals.

Therefore, a royal commission would shed some light on this deal and would perhaps prompt the lobbyists running around on Parliament Hill trying to influence ministers, members, caucuses and the Prime Minister to behave as good citizens, not as schemers acting in cahoots with former senior officials with close ties to the Liberal Party.

If the collective conscious of the members opposite is clear, why are they so reluctant to convene this royal commission of inquiry, in keeping with a recommendation made not so very long ago by the Minister of Transport? Why do they refuse to set up a royal commission? Second, I find my colleague to be somewhat of a complete cynic when he states that, with this bill, the palms of those who likely benefited from other projects, albeit perhaps not on the same scale as the Pearson deal, will no longer be greased. Once a professional lobbyist, always a professional lobbyist, in so far as federal areas are concerned.

How can he say that no more palms will be greased as far as this project is concerned, when it is stated that the Minister of Transport can choose whether or not to compensate the parties involved and when the final decision as to the amount of compensation to be paid, and to whom, rests with him? Imagine, he enjoys a virtual dictatorship.

Therefore I would ask my colleagues not to be so cynical and to stop boasting.

Pearson International Airport Agreements Act April 26th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister had promised to make public all the details regarding the negotiation of a privatization agreement concerning Pearson Airport as well as the agreement itself.

Instead, we have a study done by a former Ontario Liberal minister, behind closed doors, that explains that political personnel and lobbyists had a role to play, a role out of the ordinary, in the negotiation of this agreement. We have few details and nobody is being blamed. We must shed more light on this, and only a public inquiry can do it.

Till we know the role of the various players, that is to say governments, officials, political personnel, lobbyists and investors in these negotiations, and till we know who exercised pressure to have this deal signed come what may, even during the election campaign, we will not be able to determine whether investors are really victims that should be compensated, or players who managed to get a hasty signature, and therefore should not get anything from the public purse.

Since the government wants to appear open and show us that it functions in a transparent way, it should allow the royal commission of inquiry we have been asking for since the very beginning of this affair. We must shed light on a case which just might be one of the biggest patronage affairs in the history of Canada.

I should point out that in the first few days of this government- I was hearing this morning comments sometimes odious, often uncalled for -the Minister of Transport was not against such an inquiry on the Pearson deal. Several Liberal members of the Toronto caucus were definitely in favour. However, they soon realized that friends of their party were also involved, not just friends of the Conservative Party, so the government and the minister backed down and went for a report prepared behind closed doors: the Nixon report.

There is no doubt, when you look at the people involved, that there were many lobbyists very close to the previous Conservative government. Let me name just a few. There was Pat MacAdam, a Conservative lobbyist and college friend of Brian Mulroney. There was Bill Fox, a Conservative lobbyist who is a former press secretary and personal friend of Brian Mulroney. There was Harry Near, a Conservative lobbyist and a long time party activist. There was Don Matthews, former chairman of Brian Mulroney's nomination campaign in 1983, and also former chairman of the Conservative Party and of the party's fund-raising campaign. There was Hugh Riopel, a lobbyist who was an important member of Mr. Mulroney's staff. There was John Llegate, a close friend of Michael Wilson. There was also Fred Doucet, who has always been related to the Conservative Party in one way or another.

However, there were also Liberals, which probably explains certain things. This is probably why, in spite of all the promises made regarding an eventual royal commission of inquiry to find out the details regarding the privatization of Pearson Airport, such an exercise was not conducted with all the necessary transparency.

For example, the people involved included senator Leo Kolber, who made the headlines during the election campaign, when he organized for the current Prime Minister a very private dinner meeting, a simple affair where the cover charge was a mere $1,000. Senator Kolber invited well-known personalities such as Charles Bronfman, who also happened to be involved in the Pearson dealings.

Also present was Herb Metcalfe, a lobbyist with the Capital Hill group, as well as an official for Claridge Properties and a former organizer for the current Prime Minister. There were others and there will be others such as Ramsay Whitters, a Liberal lobbyist closely related to the Prime Minister. There were all kinds of people.

So, when I look at all this, I can understand that the Liberal Party of Canada did not want to embarrass its friends who probably indirectly contribute, through their interests in Canadian ventures, to the party financing, and this is probably why the government did not want to shed light on this episode.

The members opposite are upset because we name their friends and point out the major reason why such an indecent bill was tabled today by a government willing to let its friends off the hook, in spite of their involvement in the privatization of Pearson Airport.

The public has the right to know all the details surrounding this decision, and this is why the Bloc Quebecois demands a public and independent inquiry which will shed light on these dealings. The situation is so serious in fact that the Minister of Transport himself stated that the federal government was considering setting up a royal commission of inquiry. The minister made that statement on November 29, 1993. It is true that new appointees are always full of good intentions when they take over a department. I suspect the minister was quickly called to order by his party's establishment.

We must not only mention the involvement of friends of the Liberal Party of Canada. There is also a whole series of strange, bizarre and even indecent things which have occurred from a financial point of view regarding the transaction as such, and these things must be pointed out. I will just name a few. We have examined the contract in its entirety and that is why it would be interesting to have a royal commission go over these incongruities together.

First, the term of the contract. The term would be divided in two: a 37-year term, with the possibility to renew for another 20 years. What for? Why did the federal government accept to do this for the Pearson Airport investors at the time? To avoid paying an Ontario transfer tax whereby you have to pay some $10 million in taxes on leases with terms over 50 years.

So, with the help of the federal government, the investors were able through that clause to circumvent the Ontario tax. Have you ever heard of a federal government conniving in defrauding provincial tax?

Second incongruity: the way the rent is to be calculated. It says in the contract that it can be calculated one of two ways. I will mention just one about which there are no less than ten oddities, ten seldom if ever used clauses in this kind of contract, especially for multimillion dollar transactions like the privatization of the Pearson Airport. The contract provides that PDC, Pearson Development Corporation, must pay 30.5 per cent of its previous year gross income to the government, up to a maximum of $125 million of gross income. On any amount exceeding $125 million in gross income, PDC would have to pay to the government 45.5 per cent of its gross income in rent.

Normally, gross income includes all income generated by the operation of air terminals but, in the case of the Pearson Airport, it excludes no less than 10 deductions considered as unusual in this kind of contract. The first one relates to taxes paid by consumers, passengers and occupants which are collected by Pearson Development Corporation on behalf of the government. Second, certain unusual items do not go into the calculation of the gross income, which is unusual. If you deduct these unusual items when calculating gross income, of course this will reduce the rent to be paid.

So unusual earnings were intentionally removed from the contract so that the Pearson lease could be reduced over the 57 years. The third incongruity in this financial deal is that other types of income provided for, while not extraordinary, are not usual and do not originate from regular terminal operations, including the sale of assets. In other words, again, gross leasing costs are reduced by exempting these unusual types of income.

There were other inconguities in the provisions on investment income. I will not go into detail on this as there are actuarial tables available, but I will say that this type of investment income provision is unusual in this kind of transaction. I could mention the discounts and refunds granted by PDC to airport tenants. I could talk about the money recovered and spent by the government to occupy parts of the airport, where inconsistencies and things that are unusual in this kind of deal were noted everywhere.

We could also talk about the amounts collected by PDC on behalf of the government or any other party, which is a rather unusual clause in this type of contract. I would also like to point out another clause whereby the federal government covered Pearson's debts although it was not involved in operations in any way. In other words, it covered bad debts although it was no longer involved in airport management. It is a disgrace, Mr. Speaker.

I could also talk about the $70 million paid to Air Canada to convince it to support privatization. Imagine, convincing Air Canada to support a privatization project as inappropriate and unusual as the Pearson airport deal.

We could also mention the severance allowance for employees of Transport Canada. The Government of Canada had offered severance allowances to 160 of its employees, although their jobs with Pearson Development Corporation were guaranteed for two years, under conditions similar to those in their current jobs. This severance allowance was supposed to cost Canadian taxpayers the trifling sum of $5.5 million.

It is also appalling to see, especially in a transaction of this nature, the total lack of any financial analysis, of any sound and independent projections of the main parties' revenues, and I am referring to the two investment corporations which later

merged, and also the lack of any analysis of these investors' status. When we look at Paxport and the other party to this transaction, it is clear that all was not rosy. The financial situation of Paxport was appalling.

So we could talk about all kinds of anomalies, and we could go on for ever, because when you look at the fine print, there are always questions that arise regarding this deal.

So by going ahead with the bill before the House this morning and by refusing to conduct a public inquiry into this matter, the government has lost its credibility, a government that during the election campaign claimed that it was going to restore the confidence of citizens in government by opting for transparency and integrity. I think they are off to a very bad start.

I think it is time Liberal members opposite, who look rather depressed by the course of events, decided to wake up. It is time they did, because my colleagues and I have the impression they are being manipulated by the establishment of their party and by their minister who comes to caucus meetings with instructions to vote for this and support that and do the other. They are mainly being manipulated by the leaders of the Liberal Party establishment.

I beg them to wake up, because the public is starting to wake up. It is fed up with patronage and money going to the friends of the party, fed up with the lack of policies for public funding, fed up with the lack of transparency and integrity-in other words, fed up with people who for years criticized the previous government's lack of integrity in condemning a deal which they practically endorsed, because friends of the Liberal Party of Canada are involved, and they are directly involved.

For all these reasons, I will vote against Bill C-22, and on behalf of my colleagues, and the Leader of the Opposition made the same request this morning, I ask that a royal commission of inquiry be appointed to investigate this matter.

Thank you, Mr. Speaker, and I hope my colleagues opposite wake up some day, because their behaviour today is irresponsible.

Canada-Hungary Income Tax Convention Act, 1994 April 21st, 1994

I welcome this opportunity to speak on behalf of the Bloc Quebecois in this debate on Bill S-2, which, as the hon. member explained, proposes to implement income tax conventions between Canada and Hungary, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Argentina and the Netherlands.

The purpose of tax treaties is to avoid double taxation of business profits in the case of companies that have branches or affiliated companies in the other country. These treaties are useful and may, in certain cases, apply to trips by Quebec and Canadian performers who go abroad-or even athletes, including hockey players.

It is clear that tax treaties are not something new. They have always existed, and I have the impression they always will, especially in a world that is undergoing globalization.

Tax treaties establish what is called reciprocal treatment between countries with respect to income tax. However, reciprocity is only possible when tax rates for Canadian businesses and businesses in the countries with which tax treaties are signed are more or less equivalent or at least comparable.

Madam Speaker, the first negative aspect I want to discuss today concerning tax treaties is that, because tax rates on business profits in Canada differ greatly from those in countries that are signatories to such treaties, the system has long been considered to be a standing invitation to tax avoidance by Canadian corporations with foreign affiliates.

In fact, countries considered tax havens, such as Barbados, Cyprus, Malta and Singapore, to name only a few, have signed tax treaties with Canada. The tax rate applied in these tax havens is much lower than in Canada. This means, as was pointed out by the Auditor General in his 1992 report, and I quote:

Income earned in countries that are tax havens-

-like the ones I just mentioned-

-and that are designated by order in council can enter Canada tax free, even if it was not taxed or only taxed at a very low rate.

Still according to the Auditor General, the Department of National Revenue is aware of a number of taxpayers who have used this scheme to be in a position to move $500 million into Canada tax free. Quite frankly, this is outrageous. Earlier, I was amazed when I heard the presentation on Bill S-2, in which everything was sweetness and light, and I sat there wondering whether the members opposite were completely oblivious to the real world of tax treaties.

Madam Speaker, another reason, and this concerns the second negative aspect, why the Bloc Quebecois has been asking for a review of all our tax treaties is to pinpoint cases where tax rates on business profits are comparable to those in Canada and preserve only those treaties. The point is that the foreign income of a Canadian corporation, which is tax exempt or taxed at a very low rate, when paid in the form of dividends to Canadian

shareholders, is eligible for the same federal tax credit as dividends paid by a Canadian company operating in Canada, whose income is taxed in Canada.

We have often raised the problem of tax inequities between individuals, Quebecers and Canadians, but here we are dealing with an unfair tax situation affecting corporations based in Canada who decide to invest in Canada, to create jobs in Canada, to generate profits and to be good corporate citizens. All the while, other corporations decide to set up foreign affiliates and, through their investments abroad, benefit from tax exemptions here in Canada. These exemptions are generous, if not more generous in fact, than those enjoyed by corporations striving to create and fuel economic growth.

These inequities clearly act as a disincentive to economic development here at home. There is no question that preferential treatment is given to foreign investments by Canadian residents.

If this is how we plan to develop the Quebec and Canadian economies and employment, then I think we have taken a wrong turn. This situation is clearly unacceptable.

The third aspect of the tax convention legislation that caught my eye is the fact that pursuant to this act, a Canadian-resident corporation can deduct interest on funds it borrows for the purpose of investing in a foreign affiliate. Here again, investments made in Quebec and in Canada are afforded unfair treatment, all because of tax conventions signed between Canada and various countries considered tax havens.

Corporations that invest in tax havens avoid taxation in two ways: first, they can deduct some of the interest on funds borrowed and second, they can bring their profits, which were either not taxed at all or taxed only sparingly abroad, back into the country.

Mention is made of taxation rates that vary anywhere from 3 per cent to 10 per cent in some cases. These corporations are taxed little, if at all, abroad and enjoy tax-exempt status in Canada. The tax convention system is full of holes and has been for some time now.

According to the Auditor General, and I quote:

That deduction of interest reduces Canada's tax revenue and, at the same time, the related income.

It is precisely this related income which is tax exempt in Canada. Speaking of income related to this investment,

It may be received as a tax exempt dividend and may never appear in the Canadian tax base.

In times of serious financial crisis such as we are now facing in Canada, the government should not be encouraging corporations to invest their money abroad. Instead, it should be creating incentives to promote investment here at home, to develop employment and to fuel economic growth. In almost all instances, tax conventions clearly do not help us to achieve this objective.

Allow me to describe some of the other problems associated with tax havens. Some Canadian companies use stratagems to avoid paying their fair share of tax in Canada such as upstream loans or revenue stripping, as these methods are called in business jargon. Let me explain.

For one thing, these schemes enable Canadian companies to avoid tax by transferring the losses of foreign subsidiaries to the Canadian parent. In other words, if a Canadian company has a foreign subsidiary, the losses incurred abroad are brought home to Canada and included in calculating the Canadian company's tax.

Secondly, they allow Canadian companies to avoid tax by sending the income of Canadian corporations abroad, which works the other way. Some Canadian companies make profits in Canada, export these profits to countries where they have a subsidiary and with which a tax convention has been signed, thus avoiding paying tax in Canada.

Thirdly, these stratagems enable Canadian companies to avoid Canadian tax by making the income of Canadian corporations exempt.

The history of tax conventions between Canada and the signatory countries is full of horror stories which we are unused to reading about in the Auditor General's reports and which enrage us. Let me tell you a few of them, taken from the Auditor General's report for 1992.

A Netherlands Antilles subsidiary of a Canadian company had assets of $865 million and income of $92 million not subject to the foreign income rules. Although the income of the foreign subsidiary has not been taxed at a rate that approximates Canadian rates, it can be transferred to the Canadian parent as tax-free dividends. The offshore income is not taxed on entering Canada, but it carries with it federal tax credits on dividends paid out to Canadian shareholders. The Canadian parent incurred the financing costs for its investment-

-it was still on Dutch territory-

-in the subsidiary and reported a tax loss of $29 million.

With the huge financial problems we have, it is as if we suddenly decided to send $29 million abroad, as if we deliberately drove capital away, as if with all the loopholes in the tax conventions, we deliberately caused a revenue shortfall for the federal government, when the situation could be corrected quite quickly and easily.

Let me give you another of these horror stories, again taken from the Auditor General's report:

A Canadian company transferred $318 million in investments to its Barbados subsidiary. In six months this $318 million brought in revenues of $37 million exempt from foreign income regulations.

Even if the subsidiary's revenues were not taxed at a rate similar to the Canadian rate, namely 3 per cent, they can be transferred to the Canadian parent company as exempted dividends. Foreign income would then be tax-exempt on entering Canada, even if no, or practically no, taxes on this income were paid in Barbados. This net income is not subject to any taxes on entering Canada.

The Canadian parent company of this subsidiary also incurred financing charges for investing in its Barbadian subsidiary and reported-without generating any economic activity in Canada-fiscal losses in Canada. Again, we are losing millions of dollars in tax revenues when we do not need these tax losses. Everyone will agree that we really do not need them. With a $507 billion debt and a deficit that will exceed $40 billion, I think we should not hurt ourselves intentionally. Only masochists can present such tax convention proposals in a sentimental manner. As they say in my riding, no wonder things are not going well at the shop.

No exhaustive studies have been done on the 52 or 53 tax conventions now in effect between Canada and certain countries, but the Auditor General gave us a general idea of the tax losses they can result in. According to him, Canadian businesses that, in 1990, invested close to $92 billion in non-resident companies with which they have a non-arm's length relationship may have benefited a great deal-he does not give the proportion as there are no exhaustive studies on this-but it probably led to tax losses such as I mentioned earlier.

As the Auditor General pointed out, some investments are probably quite legitimate and totally above suspicion, but others are not. They may be legal but they are not legitimate given the federal government's financial position. In 1990, for instance, $5.2 billion was invested in businesses located in Barbados, a well-known tax haven. These investments in Barbados generated $400 million in tax-free dividends.

Here is another example: $10.9 billion was invested in businesses in Cyprus, Ireland, Liberia, the Netherlands and Switzerland, which are also considered tax havens. These investments brought in over $200 million in tax-free dividends, so that Canadian shareholders could benefit from the tax exemption on dividends paid to Canadian residents.

We must realize that much if not most of these so-called investments in these tax havens are made so that Canadian parent companies can avoid Canadian taxes and contribute to the deterioration of public finances already damaged by several years of budget carelessness on the part of successive governments here in Ottawa.

We can reasonably conclude that, as the Auditor General pointed out, the Canadian government-again, they are proving us right by presenting Bill S-2, which renews and introduces similar tax conventions-intentionally deprives itself of hundreds of millions of dollars in annual tax revenues.

The problems related to tax conventions have been known for a long time, mostly by the people opposite. And I would like to point out how long this kind of inconsistency, how long the problem of tax avoidance under tax conventions has been known. You should not laugh because public finance management is far from rosy, as is the way you treat Canadians by maintaining such a shameless system and by cutting social programs by $7.5 billion over the next three years.

The problem of tax avoidance under conventions has been well-known for a long time. For example, in 1987, the Department of Finance announced that it would review the taxation of affiliated foreign corporations. These studies were never carried out.

In 1989, the public accounts committee stated that the Department of Finance should ensure that tax avoidance under tax agreements be closely monitored and that solutions be proposed. Again, that was in 1989 and we are still waiting.

In 1992, in his comments on the Auditor General's report, the Minister of Finance clearly indicated that he had no intention of tackling the problem, even though he was aware of it.

In December of the same year-and the hon. members opposite should listen carefully to this-Jean-Robert Gauthier, a veteran Liberal member of Parliament, who was then chairman of the public accounts committee, said that what really concerned the committee was that the Department of Finance had taken no steps to eliminate, where possible, the tax avoidance schemes used by foreign subsidiaries. Mr. Gauthier, who is still a member of the Liberal Party of Canada, added that, in his opinion, the problem was not a new one; it had simply resurfaced.

Not only does Bill S-2 renew such conventions without an appropriate review of the opportunities for tax avoidance in countries considered to be tax havens but, on top of that, nothing was done by the government since it came to office to try somehow to save even a part of the hundreds of millions of dollars which are lost because of tax avoidance schemes linked to these agreements.

The Minister of Finance was quite pleased with himself when he tabled his first budget-a budget which has since been disavowed by the Prime Minister of Canada. The finance minister then said that his budget included amendments which would enable the government to alleviate the problem related to tax conventions.

However, this was just another performance put on by the stand-up comic that the Minister of Finance is when it comes to our economic policy.

Sure, some changes were made, but not to avoid the loss of hundreds of millions annually, and not to avoid problems which exist and which we have been aware of since 1982.

The measures taken will definitely not solve the problem and I urge the government to review all of the 52 or 53 tax conventions signed with other countries. These countries are not all tax havens, but many are and they deliberately deprive us of tax revenues.

It is a thorough disgrace to maintain such a system without an adequate review, especially when you consider that the system has been criticized for a long time by the Auditor General, by the Liberals when they were in office, and even by the various finance ministers, who pledged to do something but never did. It is unacceptable and it is even a disgrace to tolerate such a flawed system, especially when you consider that the recent budget puts a heavier burden on people who should not have to bear that burden. Indeed, the unemployed will contribute $5.5 billion through reduced benefits and fewer insurable weeks.

The government puts the burden on those who should not have to pay, since these people are already living in poverty because their government is unable to give them jobs to support their families and get their dignity back.

Neither was it necessary to take this other shameful measure, which consists in reducing by $2.5 billion, over the next few years, established programs financing. Again, this is not where the government should have looked to find the money it needs.

Nor should it reduce, cut and even eliminate the tax credit for seniors. These people do not deserve such treatment. They should not have to pay for the financial problems of the Canadian government, considering that they have already contribution so much throughout their lives and that the government persists in tolerating tax avoidance through these tax conventions.

The government also did not have the right to shift the burden of the deficit or to demonstrate such a lack of control and imagination in getting a handle on public finances. There was no need to make the provinces pay for the deficit by capping or freezing equalization payments, for instance. Canadian provinces have already lost $ 1.5 billion.

Bill S-2 has nothing to do with the tax agreement reform we have been calling for since the beginning of the election campaign which saw us become the Official Opposition in this House.

Before endorsing any new tax agreements or renewing any existing ones, I call on my colleagues and on the government to embark on a complete, total, in-depth review of such agreements and of the countries which are party to them.

My colleagues and I have nothing against Hungary, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Argentina or the Netherlands, but in view of the financial burden Canadians and Quebecers must shoulder, one should not waste money on purpose or create a situation where we lose several hundred million dollars a year in tax revenue. What we need is to develop a sense of responsibility which has been totally lacking since this government came into power on October 25.

These people do not act responsibly. Not only do they shift the burden of the debt onto the shoulders of those who should not have to carry any more but, due to their incompetence, they cause Quebecers and Canadians to lose billions of dollars because of the uncertainty they create on financial markets. As we saw recently, not only did they take money away from people who did not deserve it, they did not even manage to please financial community, which found nothing in this government's first budget that would allow it to put its financial house in order and give some credibility to a government that is completely out of it.

As one of my colleagues said, not only has it failed to close the tax loopholes provided by these agreements, even though it is doing an about-face, having itself condemned this form of tax avoidance in the past, but it is doing nothing to get rid of shameful schemes such as family trusts.

As we said before, it is becoming increasingly clear that this government is starting to behave like the previous one, favouring its friends, and the businesses which pour thousands of dollars every year into the Liberal coffers. As long as the issues of party financing by the public and lobbying are not settled, in a true democratic manner, that is, we will keep on having this kind of inconsistency and tomfoolery which causes us to lose money when we are in no position to do so.

Therefore, Madam Speaker, we will vote against Bill S-2 not, as I said earlier, because we have something against these countries, but because we want the government to review tax agreements as a whole.

Transfer Payments April 20th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, could the finance minister's insensitivity despite his Quebec colleague's appeal be explained by his urgent need to carve out for himself, at the expense of the provinces, enough fiscal leeway to finance his colleagues' repeated, brazen and appalling intrusions in areas of provincial jurisdiction?