Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was aboriginal.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Reform MP for Skeena (B.C.)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 33% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Young Offenders Act February 22nd, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments of my friend.

He made the comment that people who are in favour of stronger punishment for criminals and capital punishment are not clear thinking or are not thinking properly.

Does he realize that the majority of Canadians, including the majority of people in his own province, agree that we should have stronger sentences for criminals, that we should be tougher on criminals and tougher on crime, and that we should reinstate the death penalty in Canada?

Is the hon. member going to then stand up and say that the majority of people in his province cannot think properly? That is what he is implying with his statements.

Aboriginal Affairs February 16th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, if the minister cannot answer my question perhaps the Prime Minister can.

Will the Prime Minister of Canada as the leader of the government guarantee that his government will never sanction undemocratic Indian governments of any kind in Canada?

Aboriginal Affairs February 16th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development.

Many Indian people in my riding are expressing deep concern that the federal government is about to sign a self-government agreement with Gitksan Indian leaders. Their concerns relate mostly to the fact that elected band councils will disappear and will be replaced by an unelected and unaccountable hereditary chief system.

Can the minister confirm that the federal government will not now or in the future allow such a system of government to gain power in Canada?

Supply February 14th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I would like to respond to the remarks made by my colleague across the way.

We hear from these Liberal members today about how essential it is for government to be involved in the economy and how if we can do things just a little better, if government can just get it right, things will get better in Canada.

We hear about complexity and we hear about the wider economic reality as if these were some buzz phrases that meant that government has to stay involved in the economy. I would suggest that we have had 25 or 30 years of government involved in the economy, trying to direct the economy, trying to drive us to where it would like us to be and it has failed miserably.

There is a model right now for government to emulate and that is Mr. Klein's government in Alberta. Mr. Klein has done some very courageous things starting with the elimination of the MLA's pension plan and a reduction of the MLA's remuneration. He has demonstrated leadership at the top.

Then he has gone on from there to make across the board cuts, major cuts in his government's spending. The reality of that is that Alberta is creating jobs. It is instilling investor confidence and it is showing the people in Alberta that it is serious about reducing its debt and its deficit.

Would the member across the way not agree that is the model for this government to be following rather than to be following the tired old ideas that have not worked and will continue not to work if this government continues on its present course of action?

Supply February 14th, 1995

Madam Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to rise in the House today to support my hon. colleague's motion urging the government to deal with our budget crisis through spending cuts rather than new tax increases.

I cannot stress enough how important it is to approach budgetary policy from the point of view that government in Canada is too big. There is a very simple reason why government spends too much. It tries to do too much. It tries to do things that it either cannot do at all or that it can do but does very badly.

I brought up this point in discussing Bill C-65. I said then, and I say now, that unless the Liberal government understands where the deficit problem is coming from, it will not be able to solve it. I said that our spending problem comes from our big social programs and that no solution which fails to target them can allow us to deal with our spending problems.

I also said then, as I say now, that we should listen to the Auditor General. We should make sure that when we devise a program we understand clearly what it is supposed to achieve. We should also make sure that we have a clear set of criteria to measure whether or not it has succeeded. We should shut it down if it is not succeeding and shows no signs of succeeding. That applies to the question of how to cut spending. It also applies to the question of whether to cut spending.

Our fundamental objective is to balance the budget. A secondary objective is to balance it at a sufficiently low level. If the government were to balance its books by spending and by taking in taxes three-quarters of the GDP I would not be happy. We should certainly consider whether any budget balancing measures lead to a zero deficit at an acceptably low level of overall spending and taxation. Our main objective is to balance the budget.

I know that the Liberals are still waving their little red book and claiming that 3 per cent of GDP is a good deficit target. It is not. It is painfully inadequate. Let us suppose that all we are setting out to do is to reduce the deficit to 3 per cent of GDP, to go over the cliff a little more slowly. How are we going to do it? What will our program be? How will we tell if it is working? What will we do if it is not?

There are three ways to try to control the deficit. The first one is to raise taxes. The second one is to cut spending. The third one is to fiddle the books. In my home province of British Columbia they are getting pretty good at number three. I am not even going to consider it. The only thing that I am going to say is that leaving things like the Canada pension plan off budget is not a good idea.

Let us assume that the federal government's books get neither better nor worse over the next few years. That leaves raising taxes or cutting spending. I do not think there is any big mystery about the appropriate yardstick for success or failure. Is the deficit getting bigger, staying about the same or is it getting smaller? By that standard, any reasonable person would conclude that what we have done over the past decade has failed.

If members want a grim laugh go back and read some of the speeches by one Brian Mulroney while campaigning for the Prime Minister's job. Or go back and read the budgets of Michael Wilson or Don Mazankowski. Heck, read the budgets by the former Liberal finance minister, the Prime Minister. They all preach about the dangers of deficits and debt.

It is absolutely amazing to see how many budgets are brought into this House and prefaced with the remarks that the deficit and the debt are the most primary concern of the government of the day. They all promise to bring budgets under control and I have no reason to think they were anything but sincere. Look at the method they chose: constant tax increases. Apply the yardstick. Did the deficit shrink appreciably? No, it did not.

George Orwell once said it is the first duty of every intelligent person to state the obvious. I am about to state the obvious. Tax increases have been tried as a deficit reduction measure for a long time and they have failed. This is also true internationally. It is time therefore for us to recognize the wisdom of an observation by Nobel prize winning economist Milton Friedman: "Governments will spend whatever they can take in plus whatever they can get away with".

The record is clear. Tax increases do not solve budget imbalances. Budget imbalances are caused by spending. They are caused by programs whose appetite is far greater than the tax system can deal with. No tax increases. Spending cuts.

The problem is on the spending side. That is where the ducks are. As Ralph Klein from Alberta said: "If you want to go duck hunting you have to hunt where the ducks are".

Young Offenders Act February 10th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, we have a great deal of difficulty with these amendments as with the other amendments because they do not go nearly far enough in addressing the real issue.

I must say that I appreciate the remarks my colleague in the Bloc just made because he was right on the money. The problems that we are dealing with in the Young Offenders Act were created by that party and specifically by the member for Notre-Dame-de-GrĂ¢ce who stood a few minutes ago and said that the reason we have problems with young offenders in Canada is that we do not spend enough money. He is saying that we should spend money.

If money were the criterion by which we could fix our problems, with the spending that has gone on here in the last 20 years we would be living in a nation of saints. However we are not because that is not human nature. Human nature requires accountability and deterrents. We do not get them with the Young Offenders Act or with these proposed amendments.

I suggest that the government should examine the real causes of crime in society and the Young Offenders Act and put teeth into the act so that young people understand there is a real price to pay for the transgressions they commit.

Young Offenders Act February 10th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, Motion No. 2 merely provides further amplification and clarification but does not materially change the bill. Therefore, we are opposed to this motion on the basis that we oppose Bill C-37.

Motion No. 3 provides clear direction for the RCMP to destroy records at set periods of time subsequent to conviction of the less serious offences for which an absolute discharge, a conditional discharge or a summary conviction punishment has been imposed.

Motion No. 4 merely corrects a mistake or a typo in the bill which states "in paragraphs 16(1.01) (b) to (e)". The list only went up to (d) so there was no (e).

Once again, on behalf of the Reform caucus I oppose these cosmetic changes. The only way I will lend support to anything dealing with the Young Offenders Act is if it has teeth, if it does something to reduce criminal activity among youth, if it provides for the increased protection of society which is at the heart of this debate and which is the objective of the traditional role of justice in this country. This is an objective the Liberal government and its predecessor seem to have forgotten in the quest to have the rights of criminals supersede the rights of victims, the victims' families and society at large.

Young Offenders Act February 10th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak to Motion No. 1. We in this party recognize it is a step in the right direction, but it is a small step. It does not accomplish what the Canadian people want to see accomplished. It does not accomplish what we in this party recognize needs to be accomplished.

I will draw what may be a poor analogy. If you wanted to head from Ottawa to Vancouver and you got on the 401 heading west, you would say that you were going in the right direction but you would not pat yourself on the back because you hit the outskirts of town here. People do not want us to drive on a highway in first gear. They want us to get to Vancouver in a hurry. They want us to get on a jet and get there overnight.

That is what we find wrong with this legislation. It does not begin to accomplish what we know needs to be accomplished. For that reason my party and I have a great deal of difficulty with this amendment.

Points Of Order February 9th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the minister talks about my having a meeting in my riding. If he examined the facts I had several meetings in my riding and I personally invite-

Points Of Order February 9th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, during question period the minister of aboriginal affairs made some statements about my conduct as a member of Parliament in that he suggested I was carrying on with public consultations without consulting with aboriginal or native people in my riding.

This is patently false and I would ask that you ask the minister to withdraw these remarks.