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Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament September 2008, as Bloc MP for Drummond (Québec)

Won her last election, in 2006, with 50% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Criminal Code February 11th, 1999

moved:

Motion No. 1

That Bill C-247, in Clause 1, be amended by replacing lines 2 to 4 on page 2 with the following:

“human sperm, zygote or embryo for the purpose of cloning a human being. ”

Mr. Speaker, I would like to clarify my reasons for moving this amendment to Bill C-247.

During the committee's review of Bill C-247 prior to approval, some scientists from Health Canada were there to answer our questions and clarify a number of sections. On one provision in particular, namely clause 1( b ), concerns were expressed regarding the actual impact of the clause at it stands.

Indeed, according to Ms. Colvin, from Health Canada, the scope of this wording goes beyond human cloning and includes any genetic manipulation, regardless of its purpose.

The issue is not whether or not we must prohibit this type of manipulation. Bill C-247 merely seeks to prohibit human cloning. Two clauses of Bill C-247 seemed to by saying two different things, but the real and fundamental object of this legislation is simply to prohibit human cloning. Any other form of genetic manipulation should be discussed at another time.

The original intent of Bill C-247 concerned only human reproductive cloning, and that has not changed. This bill is obviously not the answer to all the issues.

However, things must be done clearly and accurately when we are legislating in the area of medically assisted reproductive technologies. There must not be any grey areas or vague provisions preventing us from knowing what is authorized and what is not. This is why I am moving and amendment which clarifies the object of this bill by amending clause 1(b) to read as follows:

No person shall knowingly

(b) alter the genetic structure of an ovum, human sperm, zygote or embryo for the purpose of cloning a human being.

On February 27, 1997, the scientific magazine Nature published a research paper that people will talk about for a long time. The creators of Dolly describe how the team of researchers succeeded for the first time in history in producing a healthy lamb from breast tissue taken from an adult sheep.

Not long after the announcement that Dolly had been cloned, it was learned that two monkeys had been cloned in Oregon from embryonic cells. This was a first for primates.

We have all heard of Dr. Richard Seed, the American scientist who has publicly announced his intention to clone humans for sterile couples. Today, a technique using cells from aborted foetuses could change the face of modern medicine.

Science is evolving at a dizzying pace, often to the advantage of society. There are also cases, however, where society itself needs to set limits for the progress of science, and the cloning of humans is one such case.

Even if Bill C-247 is adopted, it will not put an end to the debate on medically assisted reproductive techniques, far from it. This initiative must be seen as a starting point. We certainly have to start somewhere. This can lay the first brick of a wall delineating where we, in conjunction with the individuals, organizations and governments concerned, want the line drawn between what we want as a society and what we will not accept.

The key issue involved in cloning, once the possibility of cloning merely for the purposes of reproduction has been eliminated, involves mostly therapeutic considerations.

Let us imagine someone with Parkinson's disease. If human cloning were possible, an embryo could be produced from an adult cell from a patient and someone's egg. A few months later, the embryo, which would be implanted in a woman's uterus, would develop into a foetus genetically identical to the patient. The foetus is aborted, the brain cells are extracted and grafted onto the patient's brain, which will not reject them because they are identical to its own cells.

Yes, indeed, the advances in genetics mean benefits for society. But the fact that the research provides benefits must not prevent us from imposing limits on its development, according to values dear to the human race. Otherwise, certain unfortunate science fiction scenarios could become real.

Scientists wonder why not have access to various human cloning techniques in order to create full, living, but brain absent clones.

Impossible, you say. Science, however, is at the point of making this sad scenario possible. In England, they have managed to alter certain genes to transform the physiological development of animals. With this manipulation, it is now possible to prevent the development of the head, the trunk or the tail in some animals.

The same method could be applied to human embryos as well. Instead of creating and keeping a human embryo as such, it could be genetically reprogrammed so as to prevent the growth of unwanted body parts.

Can we imagine the conception of an embryo that could ultimately become a baby solely for therapeutic purposes, noble though they may be? It is not just a matter of having something be possible for it to be acceptable. The problem is controlling the new powers developed by science and technology.

In conclusion, increasingly, scientific discoveries keep pushing back the frontier of the possible. The more humanity learns about genetics and reproduction, the more it is tempted to apply these discoveries to itself.

All the possibilities that have recently come to light have tested the limits of what is morally and socially acceptable. In his book The Imperative of Responsibility , the philosopher Hans Jonas wrote that modern technology has brought with it actions on such a staggering new scale, with objects and consequences so unheard of, that the old school of ethics is no longer able to keep up.

With genetic discoveries evolving so rapidly, and human cells less and less of a mystery, it is obvious that cloning for reproductive purposes is no longer in the realm of science fiction. It is upon us.

Is this what we really want? I think not, and Bill C-247 is a response.

Having said that, it is of the utmost urgency that we take the time to consider the other technologies and possibilities that genetic engineering has to offer, those that do not produce quite the same reactions as human cloning but that will nonetheless have an impact on the very composition of the human race, such as gene therapy.

Before events overtake us, society itself must agree on a new ethical framework. We must decide how far we are prepared to venture into what was, only yesterday, beyond our reach: defining humankind.

Human Cloning February 11th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, at the initiative of the Bloc Quebecois, the House will soon debate the basic question of human cloning.

Could the minister tell us whether the government intends to proceed with this matter and could he tell us why he is trying to amend the bill in order to delay its implementation?

Foreign Publishers Advertising Services Act February 10th, 1999

Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to participate in this debate today on Bill C-55, an act respecting advertising services supplied by foreign periodical publishers.

The Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage having reviewed this bill clause by clause, we are now proceeding to consideration of the bill at report stage. My hon. colleague from Dauphin—Swan River has introduced 21 motions in amendment designed to delete clauses 1 through 21 of Bill C-55.

To ensure greater efficiency in the House, the Chair has grouped these 21 motions together. I will therefore use the time allotted to me to discuss the Bloc Quebecois' position on this bill.

First of all, the Bloc Quebecois is against the 21 Reform motions as they boil down to withdrawing the bill.

The Bloc Quebecois has supported this bill from the outset because it acknowledges as legal and legitimate the right of any people to protect its culture against an overly aggresive invader. It is therefore no wonder that the Bloc Quebecois is working toward Quebec's sovereignty, since the Canadian government will not recognize the people of Quebec.

The battle waged at this time in Canada goes far beyond the periodical publishing industry. Two major principles are at stake.

First, we must assert the rights provided for in the trade agreements we have signed. Otherwise, it would be like saying that all these rights, including the cultural exemption in NAFTA, have no true value without the United States' approval.

Second, if Canada does not defend its rights, it would be tantamount to letting Washington dictate our country's economic and cultural policies.

This is nothing new. In all the trade negotiations in which Canada took part, successive Canadian governments stated clearly, without beating around the bush, that Canadian culture was not negotiable. Yesterday, in a statement to the media, François de Gaspé Beaubien said, and I quote:

We have obtained a cultural exemption under the free trade agreement and under NAFTA, and we have not assumed any obligation under the WTO agreements that would restrict Canada's right and ability to implement these policies. In the magazine industry, the United States have not obtained the right to have access to our advertising services market, and we are under no obligation to grant them that access.

What is the purpose of this bill? Essentially, this bill is to prevent American advertising from being replaced with Canadian advertising in split run editions of American magazines sold on the Canadian market. This policy has been in place for more than 30 years, and split run editions of American magazines such as Time and Reader's Digest are protected under the bill's grandfather clause.

This is not about prohibiting imports of foreign magazines into Canada. After this bill is passed, nothing will be changed. Foreign periodicals will still be imported and will still take up 80% of shelf space in English Canada, and account for 50% of magazine sales in English Canada. This bill is aimed at preventing unfair competition by dumping advertising charges.

The Bloc Quebecois understands the concerns expressed by many Quebec and Canadian businessmen, who do not want to get caught in the crossfire when they are not directly involved in the periodicals industry.

The Bloc Quebecois believes that the United States is using these businesses to encroach upon states' rights to pass measures favourable to their economy.

These industries deserve to be given information by the federal government on the mechanisms governing international trade so that their fear of reprisal will be replaced by informed knowledge of the mechanisms for handling international trade disputes.

The Bloc Quebecois also believes that the rules of international trade apply to the US as much as they do to any other country on this planet. The Bloc Quebecois therefore calls upon the federal government to continue its negotiations with the US representatives, in order to reach a negotiated agreement to protect the magazine industry.

Cirque Du Soleil February 8th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, since December 23, the Cirque du Soleil has been performing at Walt Disney World, in Florida.

Whether in Las Vegas with the aquatic show called “O”, in Orlando with La Nouba or in Paris with Notre-Dame de Paris , performers from Quebec are recognized world-wide for their exceptional skills.

Most of all, this new equal partnership between a Quebec-based enterprise and the world's largest entertainment company, Disney, shows that Quebeckers are capable of developing socio-economic partnerships anywhere in the world.

Quebeckers are competent and considered to be creative and very energetic partners; the Cirque du Soleil is living proof of that.

Supply February 4th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I would like some clarification. Are you asking for the debate to continue after 5.30 p.m.? If the NDP members want to use the time provided and speak from 5 p.m. to 5.15 p.m. and you assure me that the debate will end at 5.30 p.m., I agree. I, however, would not want us to continue after 5.30 p.m. The NDP members had the whole day to take part in today's debate. But if you assure me that the debate will end at 5.30 p.m., I agree.

Supply February 4th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I would like to comment on the speech just made by the hon. member.

I thank him for his information and his speech, but I was a little surprised, because he was initially almost in favour of the motion. But I am not surprised about how his speech ended, because I do not think his party would allow him to vote in favour of this motion.

I would simply like to set the record straight, because Liberals often try to minimize the importance of drastic cuts in the Canadian social transfer by telling us about tax points which have supposedly increased. This is totally false and I am pleased to set the record straight.

I have here a document that was produced by an economist, a tax expert, who knows how to set the record straight. As I am not an economist or a tax expert, I cannot go into the complex mechanics of federal transfers. But I can tell members that this claim is unfounded.

The federal government always brings back the argument of increased tax points. This is unfounded for two reasons: first, there is no relation between the value of tax points and the value of cash transfers.

But Liberals would really like the give the impression they have compensated for their cash cuts by giving more generous tax points. In fact, they have no merit, because the value of tax points is linked to the changing economic situation.

However, the level of cash transfers is determined only by the federal government. It is these transfers that have been cut. An important fact is that the value of tax points would have been increased by the same amount if the federal government had not slashed cash transfers, because there is no direct link between them.

Furthermore, and I will conclude on this, tax point transfers are not transfers, they are simply tax revenues like any others for the provinces.

Supply February 4th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, do I not have a choice between asking a question and making a comment?

I am sorry but I only remember the gist of the hon. member's speech. That is why I wanted to make a comment.

Supply February 4th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I believe the motion we have introduced today is still timely, even if we have just learned that the government is ready to spend money—we still do not know the exact amount—on the provinces' health care systems through transfer payments.

I know from a reliable source that the financing could reach $2.5 billion.

The motion we introduced asked for the unconditional restoration of transfer payments to the 1993-94 level when the Liberal government was elected.

We all know that, in 1993-94, transfer payments amounted to $18.8 billion. Those payments were brought back to $11 billion, following enormous pressure from opposition parties and from all stakeholders, even the National Forum on Health. The government allegedly did us a favour by reinvesting money in the administration of the provinces' health care systems, but this is no favour. Initially, the government was supposed to cut $49 billion over the next five years, but that amount was reduced to $42 billion. The federal government has done us no favour.

The government now tells us that it will spend $2.5 billion. In Quebec's case, this means that funding will be cut by $1 billion a year—

Supply February 4th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Rimouski—Mitis for an excellent speech.

I want to question her on a matter which is a concern for every member of the Bloc Quebecois, the federal government's infringement on provincial jurisdictions.

Before asking my question, I remind members that the Prime Minister has questioned in this very House the provinces' will to reinvest in health. He said that it might be necessary to reach an agreement for increased funding and that there might be certain conditions, such as requiring reports on the use of funds, reports on the various medical services offered, and imposing federal priorities and policies on the provinces.

Is it not, according to my colleague, an infringement on provincial jurisdiction, something that is not mentioned in the Canadian constitution? Under the Canada Health Act, provinces have to abide by five major principles. The federal government, for its part, commits to using our taxes to redistribute the money to provinces to manage health care.

Supply February 4th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I thank my Bloc Quebecois colleague, whose riding I have trouble naming because the name is so long. I will begin by setting the record straight, before putting a question to the hon. member.

In the motion, the word “unconditionally” does not refer to the five tenets of the Canada Health Act. The Quebec government and all the other Canadian provinces have always cared about adhering to these five tenets in the Canada Health Act, as can be seen in the documents that we have.

The Canada Health Act requires the provinces to adhere to these five principles. In return, the federal government pledges to transfer the necessary funds through the tax system. The federal government is not giving us anything. The money is provided by all Canadians who pay taxes. The federal government redistributes the money collected in taxes, so that the provinces can manage their health care sector. Indeed, the provinces are responsible for managing health, through the new Canada social transfer set up by the federal government to provide, according to the Minister of Finance, greater flexibility in the management of the health, education and social assistance sectors.

The motion does not trivialize the five Canadian tenets. That is not its purpose. Its purpose is to urge the government to respect the division of powers, unconditionally restore transfers and make judicious use of budget surpluses.

I wonder if my Bloc Quebecois colleague could tell us again what it means to respect the division of powers.