Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was saskatchewan.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Conservative MP for Churchill River (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 41% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Transport Canada February 25th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, the Liberal government has proposed a draconian new set of transport policies for my home province of Saskatchewan.

First, the government wants all outfitters, commercial fishermen and guides to complete an operators course offered in Vancouver or Halifax, even if they have been operating their boats for decades. Guess what else? The Liberals want them to register their canoes.

We have already seen at least a billion dollars wasted on the Liberal gun registry. How much more money is the government going to send up the creek with the Liberal canoe registry?

Equalization Program February 21st, 2005

Mr. Speaker, last Friday a united front of Saskatchewan political leaders, including the premier and seven Saskatchewan Conservative MPs met to discuss the shabby treatment given to Saskatchewan by the Prime Minister and the Liberal government.

With the exception of the finance minister, my province is united in demanding a fair equalization deal. Unfortunately, the Prime Minister will not even agree to meet with the premier.

When will the Prime Minister stop dithering, show some respect for Saskatchewan, and commit to a fair equalization deal for the province?

Aboriginal Affairs February 17th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, an audit of the band council of the Labrador community of Natuashish has revealed that $3 million of public money has gone missing.

The Indian affairs minister was informed months ago of alleged financial abuses of band money, yet the minister continues to do nothing.

We know that the government is incompetent but this is worse. This is wilful blindness to the theft of public money from the very people it is intended to help. When will the minister take some responsibility and have this matter investigated?

Supply February 15th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, this morning at the aboriginal affairs committee we heard very moving testimony from survivors of Indian residential schools. This was a situation where the government took children from their parents knowing better than their parents how to raise them. The government put the children in schools and did not allow their parents to have any say in how they were raised, and we wonder why there was a tragedy.

We see the members of the NDP, members of the sanctimonious, holier than thou party standing up and saying, “Let the government take our children away again. Government knows best. Government knows how to raise our children better than we do ourselves”. They say that is a great idea.

We have seen what happened already with this. They are completely insensitive comments from the NDP. I cannot believe it.

National Revenue February 10th, 2005

Mr. Speaker, yesterday the Minister of National Revenue denigrated my home province by referring to Saskatchewan as having been “mired in the world of have not, clamouring for subsidies”.

If the people of Saskatchewan have managed to pull themselves forward it has been in spite of this government, not because of it.

Why will the Liberal government not treat Saskatchewan with respect? Is it ignorance or is it arrogance?

Fisheries and Oceans January 31st, 2005

Mr. Speaker, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans is out of control, not where we might expect, but in Saskatchewan of all places.

Why the oceans department is in my province is a question I will leave for another day, but the fact is DFO is causing tremendous problems for rural municipalities, industry and provincial departments right across Saskatchewan.

Now we find out that DFO has new plans to make life miserable for the outfitting industry in northern Saskatchewan. The Liberals are demanding that even highly experienced guides earn their Captain's licence, available only in Vancouver or Halifax, before being able to pilot any small vessel. Not only that, the Liberals are demanding that northerners now must register their canoes with the government.

If Canadians thought the gun registry was a waste of money, hold on to their hats because here comes the Liberal canoe registry. It is time for the Liberals to come to their senses and stop the Saskatchewan DFO madness before any more jobs and money are lost.

First Nations, Métis and Inuit War Veterans December 10th, 2004

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member for Calgary Centre-North has been a tremendous advocate for first nations people and has done an outstanding job as the critic for aboriginal affairs and northern development for the Conservative Party. He brings a great deal of compassion and an incredible amount of knowledge to the table on these issues. He has done a fantastic job and I say that with all sincerity.

I want to explain how this particular motion came before the House. After hearing incredibly moving testimony at the aboriginal affairs committee about the differential treatment of aboriginal veterans, the hon. member for Calgary Centre-North put forward a motion at the end of one of those meetings calling on the government to recognize the inappropriate treatment of aboriginal veterans and to thank them for their service. The motion was supported by both the Bloc Québécois and the NDP, to their great credit.

Unfortunately, the government, for whatever reason, was not in support of the motion. The Liberals delayed and refused to allow the motion, a very simple motion recognizing what are facts and thanking these veterans for their service and thanking them on behalf of Canada, to come to a vote.

The Liberals put on this show in front of distinguished veterans and representatives of veterans groups from across the country. I must say that I was truly offended at what happened in committee on that day.

For that reason I thought if this could not be dealt with in committee then it had to be something that the entire House had deal with. If the Liberals wanted to put on a show in front of Canadians and make a mockery of the sacrifice of the service provided by these veterans, then they could do that in the House of Commons in front of Canadians so they could see how they act.

First Nations, Métis and Inuit War Veterans December 10th, 2004

moved:

That, in the opinion of the House, the government should acknowledge the historic inequality of treatment and compensation for First Nations, Métis and Inuit war veterans and take action immediately to give real compensation to these veterans in a way that truly respects their service and sacrifice.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today with great pleasure and honour to speak to Motion No. 193. This is the first private member's motion that I have had the opportunity to present in the House. As such, I have chosen to put forward an issue for debate that is very important to both me and my constituents.

My riding of Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River is geographically one of the largest in the country, covering the northern half of my province of Saskatchewan. It accounts for 58% of the land mass of the province. It is an area larger than the country of Germany and nearly the size of France.

Existing in my massive and remote riding are over 30 first nations and 108 individual Indian reserves, the most of any riding in the country. My riding is made up of over 50% of people of aboriginal ancestry. Representing them is a responsibility I take seriously.

I believe it is an indisputable fact that aboriginal veterans were not treated fairly or equitably upon their return from serving their country during World War I, World War II and the Korean War. When these soldiers were overseas they were treated the same. Aboriginal and non-aboriginal trained together, fought together and, in too many cases, died together.

They say that there are no atheists in foxholes. During Canada's wars, among the soldiers at least, there were no skin colours in combat. These men served shoulder to shoulder and spent the most harrowing moments of their lives relying on each other for their survival. Often these men would serve together for years on end, seeing more of each other than they did of their own families, becoming truly bands of brothers.

These soldiers served heroically and with great distinction, winning battles from Vimy to Juno Beach to Ortona. Many aboriginals and non-aboriginals alike lie buried together in war cemeteries across Europe and in the countries in which they gave their lives to free from tyranny and oppression.

Why were these brave soldiers treated differently when they returned to Canada? There have been many different explanations offered, but it basically comes back to the same thing: systemic and deep rooted discrimination within the institutions of the Government of Canada.

Like their comrades in arms, first nations veterans looked forward to re-establishing themselves back home with the generous benefits of the Veterans Charter provided by a grateful nation.

In theory, first nations veterans were eligible for and entitled to exactly the same benefits as any other returning servicemen, with the exception of the Veterans Land Act special provisions for settlement on Indian reserve land. In practice, however, a number of systemic factors inhibited the ability of first nations veterans to obtain adequate, timely and accurate information, as well as unbiased counselling, about the complex array of benefits for which they might apply.

In addition, these veterans faced bureaucratic delays and complications which, when combined with the differential economies of scale found in the benefits of the Veterans Land Act, meant first nations veterans faced a steeper uphill struggle for post-war re-establishment than other veterans.

At this point I would like to go through some of the specifics regarding the lack of equal treatment faced by first nations veterans. I will start with the Veterans Land Act and move on to the lack of access to an administration of veterans benefits for first nations veterans, then discuss problems with dependents allowances and assigned pay.

I would like to note as well that much of the initial research on these topics was done by Dr. R. Scott Sheffield and laid out in a major report conducted for the national round table on first nations veterans issues back in April 2001.

The Veterans Land Act was one of the primary re-establishment options, enabling qualified veterans to settle on a piece of land and take up agriculture, either as a full time occupation or as an income supplement on a smallholding hobby farm. Originally the act provided loans of $4,800, of which $1,200 was for the purchase of equipment, at a low interest rate of 3.5%. However, by war's end the maximum had been expanded to $6,000, all of which could be used to acquire land. If the loan was repaid on schedule and in full, the government was prepared to forgive the last $2,320 of the $6,000.

First nations veterans were eligible in theory to apply under the VLA off reserve and be considered on the same basis as other veterans. Realistically, however, there were obstacles that made such an event unlikely, something that was acknowledged by the Veterans Affairs Department in a notice from the director in 1945. It stated:

The average Indian veteran may be confronted with a practical difficulty in seeking qualification papers from the responsible committees set up for the purpose, who may be expected to feel some diffidence about qualifying an Indian for establishment on the land on a debt basis. In other words it is feared that few Indians could qualify under the conditions set by the Act.

The first nations veterans lack of a credit rating, combined with discriminatory stereotypes among the wider population, probably would have blocked many from obtaining VLA grants off reserve. The dubious opportunities for first nations veterans to settle outside reserves clearly would not have helped many first nations soldiers who would have undoubtedly gone back to their reserve communities.

However, under the existing VLA, legal hurdles remained that barred the act's extension to reserve lands.

First, since title to reserve land was held by the crown for the use and benefit of the band for which it was set apart, the VLA director was prohibited from holding title to it as required under the act. Second, the individual land allotment was not legally equivalent to a veteran owning a piece of land off reserve in fee simple.

An amendment to the VLA was passed in 1945 to get around these legal obstructions, which created section 35A. Under this section, a grant of up to $2,320 could be provided to qualified veterans on reserve. A first nations veteran required a location ticket to a specific tract of reserve land and a band resolution to confirm his ownership of the land to quality. Though the $2,320 was not equivalent to the $6,000, the Indian affairs branch argued that this deficiency was balanced somewhat by “the more favourable conditions that existed on reserve”.

First nations veterans were understandably angered at being barred from the loan provisions of the VLA and skeptical about the so-called advantages of reserve conditions, particularly as it involved having the Indian affairs branch and their Indian agents directly handling their cases.

According to government records, more than 4,000 veterans settled off reserve on crown lands with the help of the same level of assistance as on reserve farmers, with a maximum $2,320 conditional grant as compared to the $6,000 for non-aboriginal veterans.

A number of factors worked against first nations veterans who attempted to re-establish themselves under the VLA. With regard to those who wanted to undertake farming on a full time basis, the immediate challenges they faced had to do with economies of scale. For several reasons, the average size of farm that first nations veterans could secure was substantially smaller than could be obtained off reserve. As an example, we can look at Alberta where many veterans, first nations and otherwise, pursued full time agriculture under the VLA.

Grain farms totalling a full section of 640 acres of land would not have been considered out of the norm in the immediate post-war period. There is no evidence available of a first nations reserve farmer receiving a land allotment for more than a quarter section, or 160 acres, and some were closer to half that size.

What is more, the limited land base on many reserves proved a serious obstacle for expanding their operations. The government recognized that VLA farmers required access to more capital if they were to continue expanding their operations, and in 1954 passed an amendment to the act providing farm improvement loans. Sadly, these loans were inaccessible to first nations veterans because of the fact that they were loans. The result was that many first nations farmers were never able to build prosperous agricultural operations.

The second area of inequality was with regard to access to and administration of veterans benefits for first nations veterans.

First nations servicemen were generally told to return to the reserve and see their Indian agents about benefits as opposed to non-aboriginal veterans who fell under the jurisdiction of the veterans affairs department. From this point forward, first nations veterans received differential treatment from the norm.

Upon return to Canada, after their service was complete, non-aboriginal veterans were entitled to apply for either a re-establishment credit, which was equal in value to the basic war service gratuity, or instead a choice for agricultural re-establishment, that is the Veterans Land Act, which I have discussed, and education and training opportunities.

Overall first nations veterans faced systematic disadvantages, not faced by most other veterans, in obtaining information, counselling and applications for all the options that were open to them. In addition, the Indian affairs branch and the Indian Act added an extra layer of bureaucracy and regulations between first nations veterans and their re-establishment. The resulting delays and complications created hardship for some veterans and frustration for many more.

One example of the systematic problems faced by first nations veterans should be pointed out in detail, namely, the fact that much of the information that was disseminated on the benefits available to veterans through the Veterans Charter was distributed through posters and pamphlets in legion halls and advertisements on radio and in the newspaper.

This was particularly problematic for first nations veterans as the discriminatory provisions of the Indian Act prohibited first nations veterans from entering legion halls as these establishments served alcohol. As for radios, at that time very few existed on post-war Indian reserves and the high rates of illiteracy meant that newspapers were of little use either, assuming a reserve community even received them. In many cases this left a first nations veteran with only the Indian agent as a source of information and advice about veterans benefits.

For a number of reasons, this dependence on the Indian agent and Indian affairs to supply accurate details of programs and unbiased advice in a timely and efficient fashion proved unfortunate, to put it mildly. There is evidence that many Indian agents did not fully understand the complex array of programs available under the Veterans Charter, and also that the Indian affairs bureaucracy was incapable of even disseminating all the information to the Indian agents. Even assuming that the Indian agents were knowledgeable, there is evidence that many did not tell first nations veterans under their jurisdiction of all available options, but rather what the agent thought they should receive.

The third area of unequal treatment for first nations veterans is with regard to the dependents' allowances and assigned pay. The clearest case of discrimination came in the Dependents' Allowance Board's unilateral decision to reduce allowances to first nations dependants residing on a reserve unless under the direct administration of the Indian agent. Beyond this, the initial separate system established for administering first nations dependants, which simply placed the cheques in the hands of the Indian agents with few guidelines and no accounting procedures, created a lot of opportunities for mismanagement, abuse of power and fraud.

Even when stricter measures were put in place to keep track of the money due to first nations dependants, some Indian agents were still circumventing the process. It is difficult to determine exactly how much money that first nations dependants lost out upon, but it is clear that funds due to these people were never received.

Clearly, without any doubt, first nations veterans were not treated equally with their non-aboriginal comrades in arms.

The situation regarding Métis veterans is somewhat less clear, largely owing to inadequate records kept by both the defence department as well as by the veterans affairs department. Veterans Affairs claims to have identified the records of 174 Métis veterans, even though individual soldiers were not allowed to identify as Métis when they signed up for service.

The National Métis Veterans Association states that there are approximately 2,000 Métis veterans who fought in World War II and in Korea, and refutes the department's claim that these veterans have been sufficiently identified and compensated.

At a recent meeting of the Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development, Métis Nation Veterans Affairs official, David Chartrand, spoke of how Métis people were working to identify and record living Métis veterans from the second world war and Korea. Mr. Chartrand made clear that the 174 figure quoted by the department was far too low.

It is clear that when many Métis veterans returned from the war, they faced many of the same hurdles and problems faced by first nations veterans. Most returned to their remote home communities, many in my riding, where information on programs and benefits available was non-existent. Many of these veterans returned to their traditional occupations of trapping, fishing and hunting, and lived on remote traplines deep in the wilderness of norther Saskatchewan and northern Alberta.

According to the National Métis Veterans Association, less than 3% of the identified Métis veterans received one of the three key programs of the Veterans charter: land, education or the re-establishment grants.

Many people have asked me why I chose to bring this motion forward, the first piece of private member's business I have had the opportunity to present before the House. The answer is that the way aboriginal veterans were treated by this country when they returned is one of the great historical injustices of our time. The fact is that we do not have much time left to make this injustice right. There are only 2,000 first nations veterans left, and an even small number of Métis veterans left. This motion calls for compensation for these veterans because they are owed it as a simple matter of equality, but to be honest, the veterans with whom I have spoken do not even care about the money. What they desire is an acknowledgement that they were treated unfairly, and a thank you from this country, a country they fought and died for. They are asking for recognition and for their dignity, something we owe them in spades.

Some will say that compensating these veterans fairly will cost too much. To that I say that if anybody in this country deserves compensation from the government, it is those who fought to defend our freedom. If the government can find seemingly limitless money for gun registries and sponsorship programs, surely it can find some funding to compensate 3,000 to 4,000 men who put their lives on the line to defend our values and future.

Some will also argue that first nations veterans have already been compensated and will refer to the $20,000 payout to first nations veterans in the aftermath of the national round table on first nations veterans issues. To that I will say that a take it or leave it offer by the government for a sum that was literally picked out of thin air is hardly sufficient compensation. How much is enough? That should be determined in consultation with veterans groups.

It is interesting to note that of the 2,000 first nations veterans identified for compensation in 2002, only 1,100 have ever received a dime. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that the impression that the Departments of Veterans Affairs and Indian Affairs that I get is that they are simply trying to play for time and run out the clock. They know as well as anybody that time is not on the veterans' side and that soon there will be no veterans left to compensate. This was certainly the impression I got when department officials testified before the aboriginal affairs committee earlier this year.

I will conclude with the words of Mr. Edgar Borchert, a World War II veteran and president of the National Métis Veterans Association, who testified before the aboriginal affairs committee on November 4, 2004.

Mr. Borchert said:

What do the Métis veterans desire? They want the recognition that they served Canada honourably. They want equitable treatment. For their contribution to Canada and its war effort, they want no less than the first nations, the wood cutters, the newspaper journalists, and other veterans groups. The Métis veterans are very proud warriors, and their struggle will not be diminished to being nothing more than beggars at a government table. But I beg for them. I beg for your compassion to allow our veterans to live out their last few years with dignity and that their widows have your support and that they have truly the honour of being called Canada's warriors.

Canada Post Corporation December 10th, 2004

Mr. Speaker, the community of Grandmother's Bay in my northern Saskatchewan constituency has long been fighting for access to federal postal service. At present members of this 400-person community have to get their mail from La Ronge, over 100 kilometres away.

I have inquired repeatedly on this issue, but at this point Canada Post is still refusing to commit to providing postal service to Grandmother's Bay.

What will it take for this Liberal government to recognize that Canadians living in remote and northern communities deserve the same access to service as other Canadians?

Tlicho Land Claims and Self-Government Act December 6th, 2004

Madam Speaker, I have to take issue with the parliamentary secretary's characterization of my party's opposition to Bill C-14 as being in bad faith in some way. We put forward very constructive questions. We made our submissions in good faith. We have very real and very serious concerns with this and, to be quite frank, we have not received any answers to our questions.

I have stood in the House four times today asking about the reason for the inclusion, at the insistence of the federal government, of article 7.13.2. I still do not have an answer. I asked this question numerous times in committee as well. For the parliamentary secretary to stand up in her place and act like these submissions and these questions we are asking are in bad faith is completely beyond the pale.