Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was terms.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as NDP MP for Regina—Qu'Appelle (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 32% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Financial Consumer Agency Of Canada Act September 18th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I welcome you back for another continuation of this session of parliament.

We are starting this leg of this session of parliament with a very interesting bill before the House, Bill C-38. It is a bill to make a number of changes to the financial institutions in our country. It is a rather historic bill with some 900 pages. I understand it is the most voluminous bill we have ever dealt with in the history of this country, some 900 pages and the consequential changes which affect about 4,000 pages of existing legislation. In addition, there are many things in the bill that are left as orders in council and guidelines.

I do not think there is anyone in the House who can pretend that we have a good grasp of the overall impact of the bill. The minister, if he says he does, is very unique because the bureaucrats tell me that there is no one who has a total grasp of all aspects of the bill, including all the experts.

There are many experts of course who have expertise in various parts of the bill but no one can really tie it together in terms of all the consequences.

It is a very comprehensive bill. Where did it come from? In 1996 the government established a task force headed by Mr. Baillie, replaced later on by Mr. MacKay of Regina, to look at financial institutions and make recommendations to parliament and to the Minister of Finance to reform and change our financial institutions.

That task force went on from 1996 to 1998 at a cost of $3.5 million. It made a comprehensive and sweeping set of recommendations to the Parliament of Canada. The finance committee undertook hearings on the MacKay task force recommendations in October, November and December 1998, if I recall correctly. We also made our recommendations to parliament and to the Minister of Finance.

The Department of Finance issued a paper in June 1999 in which it made some comments and 57 recommendations arising out of the report. In the year 2000 we finally have before the House this very voluminous bill that makes all kinds of changes.

In a bill of this sort there are many positives and negatives. Our party will be voting against it on second reading and will continue to take that position unless a number of fairly sweeping changes are made to the bill.

Before I get into some of the negatives, I want to say that there are also a number of positives. The bill expands access to the payment system in the country. The payment system is there for the chartered banks. Bill C-38 will expand access to that system, in particular to the insurance companies, some of the brokerage houses and other financial institutions. We see this as a positive step in terms of competition in the financial industry. It is something that is supported by the insurance industry and others as well.

Another positive aspect of the bill is the expanded powers for our credit union movement. The credit union movement comes under provincial jurisdiction today. The legislation would allow them to have a national service entity where we could have easier transactions made from province to province. A member of parliament for example from Nova Scotia could go out to B.C. and do his banking in a credit union more easily than now because credit unions are currently regulated on a provincial basis and not on a federal basis.

There is also some talk about the possible creation of a credit union bank. This was a recommendation of the MacKay task force. It is not in this legislation, primarily because there is no consensus, as I understand it, in the credit union or co-operative movement on whether or not it is the right way to go. I think there is an openness in the House and in the government to the idea of a national credit union bank if indeed there is consensus evolving in the credit union movement and if the minister nods his approval to that. That would come some time in the weeks, months or years ahead. That is certainly a good possibility.

Under the current legislation a credit union could own a bank. For example, the Van City Credit Union could buy or operate a bank but the bank would have to be a subsidiary of the credit union and not owned directly by individual members of the credit union. This gets us into some of the detailed debating we will be having in the committee if the bill goes there in the next few days.

We support the idea of a financial services ombudsman. When it comes to the ombudsman it is a step in the right direction. We now have an ombudsman funded by individual banks and therefore there is a built-in conflict of interest in a real sense and in a perceived sense. The new financial ombudsman would not be a creation of the banks. It would have an independent board that is not drawn from the federal government or the banks. It would operate independently.

A concern I have about the ombudsman—and we will get to it in committee as well—is that I do not think it has enough power to enforce some of the findings that occur in terms of a levelling of fines and sanctions on banking institutions that may violate the rules and regulations pertaining to those institutions. We will be looking at more details from the minister at committee stage, but at least we have the establishment of a financial service institution which is a positive step in the right direction.

Let me reminisce. In 1989 an old friend of mine, the then member for Nickel Belt, John Rodriguez, introduced in the House a private member's bill to establish an office of the financial ombudsman or banking ombudsman that had sweeping powers to look out for consumers and to impose fines and sanctions on financial institutions that violated the rules and regulations. Some progress has been made, but hopefully we can strengthen it at committee stage.

Part of the bill that is going in a positive direction is some of the consumer protection agencies. They are very timid in my opinion. We now have the possibility of a lifeline account where some four to twelve transactions in a bank account are free of charge. If I understand correctly, it also says that no one can be denied a bank account as long as he or she has two pieces of identification and as long as there is no fraud. One cannot be denied a bank account whether the person is poor, unemployed or whatever. A lot of people now have difficulty establishing a bank account.

This is very vague in terms of what is actually in the legislation and of the details for individual banks. My understanding is that there will be negotiations between the new consumer agency and individual banks. There will be a memorandum of standing, an MOU, signed with each individual bank which might differ from bank to bank or financial institution to financial institution in terms of their obligations. The minister confirmed that as well. We want to scrutinize that carefully to make sure we can maybe strengthen it on behalf of consumers.

Another positive aspect in the legislation is something for which we have lobbied for a long time. It does not expand the power of banks to get into auto leasing or the sale of insurance. Members will recall a lobby a couple of years ago when this idea was floated, particularly by the MacKay report when it recommended that banks be allowed to sell insurance and get into the auto leasing business. There was quite a lobby in the country and we were all contacted. The influence of that lobby has paid off and that provision is not in the legislation today. That is a very positive step.

Those are some of the positive aspects of the bill. Some are not as strong as we had hoped, but at least they are steps in the right direction.

I come to some of the concerns. My major concern is the changing of the wide ownership rule. I am afraid this opens the door to more concentration of who owns the banking institutions and to foreign control and influence in our banking institutions. This has been a debate in cabinet. I would like to make sure that Canadians know this fairly radical change is being suggested.

Under the current legislation nobody can own more than 10% of the banking shares in any bank. All a wealthy individual can buy is 10% of the Royal Bank or 10% of the Bank of Montreal. This rule was brought in to parliament in the mid-1960s by the Pearson government when the Chase Manhattan Bank was in the process of trying to buy the Toronto-Dominion Bank. There was great concern about losing our financial institutions so the House of Commons brought in the 10% and 25% rule. No individual could have more than 10% of the shares in any bank and foreigners, put together, could not have more than 25% of the shares of a bank. The 25% rule went by the way with the signing of the free trade agreement with the United States. That has been gone now for a few years.

Today the 10% rule still applies. The government will raise the 10% to 20% for voting shares and the 10% to 30% for non-voting shares, opening the door for more concentration in the banking industry and for more billionaires or wealthy banks in the United States to buy huge chunks of Canadian banks and therefore have control over the Canadian banking industry. I do not think that is the way the Canadian people want to go.

Canadians are already concerned that we have given away too much of our national sovereignty. We have sold out too much of our country. We have erased too much of the border. I think Canadians are saying that we should not get rid of the 10% rule and should make sure Canadian banking institutions remain in the hands of Canadians and regulated by the Parliament of Canada on behalf of the Canadian people. I think that is the way we ought to go.

People are saying maybe we need this kind of change to compete in the world. Our banks are actually pretty large on the world scale. We have some of the largest banks in the world today, ranking 15th, 16th or 20th in terms of size. If our banks need to be bigger to compete in the world, for economy of scale, they could form a consortium. They would still have the same effect and efficiencies as if we were to change the rule in terms of amalgamating with other banks and ownership changes. We could do the same by consortium.

Another point I am concerned about is the ownership rule. The government has decided to categorize banks into three different categories: large, medium and small.

Supply June 15th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I have a question for the Liberal member who just spoke. I agree with his criticisms of the Canadian Alliance, the old Reform Party. Far be it from me to come to its defence, but it was very interesting that he kept blaming the Canadian Alliance for its very conservative agenda. My question for the member is, why is the government basically being driven by the Reform Party? Why has it followed the Canadian Alliance agenda?

The member has a background that is very sensitive to the trade union movement, ordinary working people and progressive movement, but the government across the way is more conservative than Brian Mulroney.

I was here in the Mulroney days and Brian Mulroney would never have cut back on health care like the Liberal government has done. Brian Mulroney would never have cut back on the CBC and Radio Canada like this government has done. Brian Mulroney would never have cut back any of the social programs like this government has done.

Why is this government so afraid of the Reform Party, the new Canadian Alliance? Why has it adopted so much of the Canadian Alliance agenda? Why is it so conservative? I hope the member will answer that question rather than just provide a bunch more rhetoric because it is a curiosity and I hear that question often from my constituents. They ask me “Why is this government so conservative? Why is this probably the most conservative government we have had since the second world war? Is it because the government is so afraid of the Alliance and the Alliance agenda? Why has it picked up so much of that agenda?”

Petitions June 15th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I have a petition to present which is signed by a number of people from across the prairies.

The petitioners are calling upon the House of Commons to abolish the unelected Senate. They are saying that the Senate is undemocratic. It is not elected. It is not accountable. It actually costs taxpayers some $50 million a year. It is now redundant. It undermines the role of members of parliament.

They say we need to modernize our political and parliamentary institutions, and because of that they say we should begin the process of the abolition of the undemocratic Senate.

Supply June 15th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I think it is very important that the Saskatchewan study is within the confines of the principles of the Canada Health Act. It is important for us to have a public health care system and not a two tier American style system. We need to have a single payer system, which is the public. Health care must be accessible to everyone. Health care must be portable. Access to health care must not be based on income, where one lives, the size of one's bank account or the thickness of one's wallet. Those things are extremely important.

The other thing that is very important is that the federal government provide more funding for health care. Many years ago, when health care came in as a national program, the federal government funded 50% of the cost.

Today, in terms of cash transfers to the provinces, the federal government funds 13 cents, 14 cents or perhaps 15 cents to the provinces depending on the province.

If we are going to maintain health care as a universal program that is accessible to all, portable and publicly financed, then the federal government, with its huge and ballooning surplus, must come to the plate and put $4.2 billion more into the fund every year. This would be equivalent to the money it has taken out over the last number of budgets. I think that is very important. I hope my friend in the Alliance Party would support that point of view as well.

Supply June 15th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I want to ask my colleague in the Canadian Alliance whether or not he is familiar with the announcement made yesterday by Premier Roy Romanow in my province of Saskatchewan. Does the member support the initiative taken there, which is to establish a commission that will spend the next six months doing a study, issuing an interim report and then a final report in one year's time? All that is within the parameter of abiding by the principles of the Canada Health Act and perhaps expanding those principles in order to meet the challenges of the 21st century.

The important thing about the Saskatchewan study is that it believes in a single tier system, which is the premise of health care in the country, and a publicly financed system.

As the member is probably aware, medicare was started in the province of Saskatchewan by former Premiers Woodrow Lloyd and Tommy Douglas of the NDP and CCF, and, of course, carried on through Allan Blakeney and now Roy Romanow. Saskatchewan once again is the only province that has struck a commission to do a study on the future of health care.

I just want to know if the the member supports the Saskatchewan initiative and the parameters of the study. Does he think it would be a helpful example for the federal government to perhaps emulate at the national level?

Supply June 15th, 2000

The candidate from Bay Street.

Canadian Conservative Reform Alliance Party June 14th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, the other day I was reading the Hill Times and I could not believe my eyes. Tom Long, the leadership candidate for the Canadian Alliance, had a little picnic up in cottage country in the Muskokas. Over 100 people attended.

What did they charge for the tickets? Was it $10 like the old Reform Party, or $20, or was it $500? It was $5,000 per ticket for caviar and champagne. It was some grassroots party.

The old Reform Party has come and it has died. It has changed its spots and moved from Main Street to Bay Street. Now it is a party of the rich, a party of Bay Street, a party of backroom boys, a party that is trying to imitate Brian Mulroney. That is the long and short of it. It is a party that calls democracy catering to the rich. It is a party that calls democracy catering to Bay Street.

Banks June 13th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, under the new legislation the Minister of Finance still has the final power, as he knows.

I want to ask him about rural communities. Banks are important to people and small businesses in rural communities. Yet this legislation only requires six months' notice before they pull out. In six months they are gone.

Why does the minister not bring in legislation that would make it a requirement that the banks not be allowed to close a branch in a rural community and that as long as that branch is making a profit in a community it should stay in the community?

Banks June 13th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Finance.

Today's financial services bill concentrates more and more power in the hands of the Minister of Finance: the power to make regulations, the power to decide on ownership, and the power to decide about mergers. All of this comes at the expense of parliamentary democracy, making this place less and less relevant to the Canadian people.

Can the minister explain why hoarding all that extra power in his hands, in effect making himself a banking czar in this country, is in the public interest?

Petitions June 13th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I have a petition to present which was sent to me by people in Brandon, Manitoba, and a few folks in Weyburn, Saskatchewan. They ask the House to abolish the unelected Senate.

They say that the Senate is undemocratic, unelected, not accountable, costs Canadian taxpayers around $50 million per year, and undermines the authority of members of parliament. Therefore they ask us to begin the process of abolishing the Senate. Of course that is supported by my friend, the Liberal member from New Brunswick.