Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was terms.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as NDP MP for Regina—Qu'Appelle (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 32% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canadian Alliance Party June 8th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, this morning I picked up the Globe and Mail and this is what I read about the new alliance, old Reform Party.

I read that Stockwell Day said the federal government cutbacks in 1995 were too timid, in particular that Health Canada should have more cutbacks. He said that the department did not pay a single nurse or administer a single hospital. In fact the department provides services to veterans hospitals, prisons, Indian reserves, the RCMP, and many other services.

He said he wanted to privatize VIA Rail, CMHC and Atomic Energy. He also said he wanted to use the notwithstanding clause to override the supreme court and enforce some of his more extreme social views.

To top it off, I read this morning that the defence critic of the alliance party said “We have compromised our combat capability in this country because of the women, aboriginals and visible minorities in the military”. That sounds to me like Fred Flintstone or Barney Rubble. That is only in one day, in one newspaper: same party, different name; same policies, the same game.

Supply June 8th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. I want the hon. member to listen very clearly. He referred to my name and said that I worked for the Canada Information Office. That is not true.

What the Bloc Quebecois supplied me with was information from the freedom of information office. At one time I did a small contract for it, before the last federal election. If those members were to read their own information, they would see that it is marked with an asterisk and states:

As some contracts are `as and when requested', the actual expenditure can be lower than the value of the contract.

That was certainly the case in my situation. I did nothing for that office after the writ was dropped on April 27, 1997. I resent the implication that I did something after that and the absolute untruth that I am now doing some work for the Canada Information Office. That is not true. I expect the hon. member to get up and apologize to me for that.

Supply June 8th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, maybe I was not clear enough. I said that, in all Canadian provinces, there are departmental agencies that provide information on government programs to the public. There may not be one agency that provides information on everything, but each department provides information.

The Quebec government is no different than any other provincial government. I know that because I have often seen information from the Government of Quebec in La Presse , Le Droit and other newspapers. It is perfectly normal for a government to do that.

But I said in my speech that it is one thing to provide information on government programs, but quite another to provide information on the party in office.

In some cases, the federal government crossed the line, promoting the position of the Liberal Party and not the position of the federal government. It is altogether different.

I know each province has its own way of providing information to the public. I am not aware of the details of how it is done in Quebec, Newfoundland or Manitoba, but I do know each province has its own way of providing information to the public.

Supply June 8th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, the CBC is very important. The reason for the CBC in the first place, many years ago, was to provide a linkage from coast to coast via a public broadcaster by which Canadians could get to know their country better.

Part of its mandate was to provide regional broadcasting so that one region could hear about another region of the country. That was a very important part of the mandate of the CBC originally. We could hear more about the Newfoundland fishery, or the prairies, what was happening to aboriginal people, the north, the province of Quebec and so on. Those were all very important parts of the CBC mandate.

Much of that is disappearing. The federal government over the last number of years has made numerous cutbacks, which have put pressure on the CBC to make cutbacks and lay off people. That is very unfortunate in terms of national unity.

Supply June 8th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I did not work on plan B, because I have been an MP since 1997 and I was an MP before 1993. I worked as a consultant for many people and organizations in the intervening years, but I had nothing to do with plan B.

The member spoke of the Meech Lake accord. I was a supporter of Meech Lake, because I thought it was important to recognize Quebec as a distinct society, and the vast majority of Quebecers supported this proposal.

Former Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa signed the accord. I remember very well when he signed it. The Quebec National Assembly supported the Meech Lake accord and voted for it. I remember that day very well.

After the failure of the accord, through the fault not just of the current Prime Minister, but of Clyde Wells and many others, we went through a crisis, and then, we had the Charlottetown accord and another referendum. I was a Meech Lake supporter.

He also referred to the CBC. Our party is the only one in this House to have pushed long and hard for more money for the CBC and Radio-Canada.

We asked a lot of questions in the last four, five and six weeks on the federal government's positions. We wanted to know why it cut funding to the CBC and Radio-Canada, because it is vital to have a public communications system. We did a number of things like that.

Supply June 8th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I want to say a few words about the motion before the House today. I say at the outset the our party supports the idea of having a Canada Information Office.

In other words, we disagree with the Bloc motion that the office should be disbanded altogether. There should be a Canada Information Office to help provide information about government programs across the country. That is a legitimate role. It is bit of a double standard for the Bloc to say that it should be closed entirely. There are similar agencies in the province of Quebec that provide information about Quebec government programs to the population of that province. That is where we stand as a party.

I hope the minister would agree that we have to make very sure and clear that this is a government information office for the Government of Canada and not for the Liberal Party or any other party. That is a fine line that can sometimes be crossed. It may not be by this minister or the next minister, but it could be the next minister or next party thereafter.

When there are government information offices in any democratic society it is always very sensitive that the role of the office be very clearly defined in terms of providing legitimate information and facts about government institutions, programs and policies to the population of a particular country and that it not cross the line into partisan politics. Once that happens we all have problems in terms of the legitimacy of governments programs, government spending and the whole national unity cause, which is the most important aspect here.

The Canada Information Office was established after the 1995 referendum, which was nearly a disaster. It was very close indeed. There was a feeling among many people including myself that there had to be a co-ordinating office for the Government of Canada to provide information, not just in Quebec but across the country, about federal institutions and federal programs.

Maybe we should take a look at its mandate and make sure that issues are more clearly defined. I think that is a legitimate question. These things should always be reviewed. Maybe we should look at the budget of $21 billion. Perhaps it is not necessary today. Perhaps it is a bit high.

By the way, I am told that amount would be enough to keep the CBC on air in the four Atlantic provinces, which is important to Canadians. It is also enough money to keep many thousands of hospital beds open for many months in all parts of Canada. That is extremely important to our citizens. There are many other priorities.

As I said at the outset, we need a Canadian information office. We need a co-ordinating body to provide information. Most provinces do that. Certainly the Government of Quebec does that. There is nothing fundamentally wrong with the idea, but this agency has to be scrutinized like any other agency of government.

I have some concerns about some of the activities undertaken by that office, for example, the monitoring of some activities of certain journalists, a lot of which is legitimate, in terms of keeping tabs on what certain journalists say about the important issues of federalism and national unity. Sometimes it goes a bit overboard.

Edison Stewart is a very prominent reporter for the Toronto Star . Many members of the House and I know him well. He was monitored by the Canada Information Office because he had written pieces that were skeptical of the office in terms of its role, mandate and spending. I do not think some of the things said about him were necessary work for the Canada Information Office. By the way, he is no longer an employee of the Toronto Star . He has taken a job with the treasury board. He is hardly a person who is not supportive of the overall institutions of federal government and the promotion of legitimate government policies in the country.

I would watch those kinds of things in terms of not going overboard as has been done. The Bloc has released the names of some journalists where there has probably been undue monitoring of people in the media and the press. That being said, I think there is a legitimate role for the agency.

In the 1995 campaign the criticism was on the other side. Many people were very critical of the Prime Minister and the federal government not being better prepared for the referendum, not having their ducks in order and not having the plan in place for that referendum. That referendum was almost lost. That is why we need an agency like this one which is a bit of a quarterback in terms of providing government information. It must be stressed that it has to be government information, not propaganda for the political party in place. That is a fine line.

I must also tell my Bloc Quebecois friends that, if I am not mistaken, there were Quebec government agencies doing the same thing in that province, there were agencies promoting government programs in Quebec. The same thing is done in my province of Saskatchewan and in every Canadian province. It is important to have an agency that tells people about the policies of the government, not those of the political party forming the government.

In Saskatchewan, it is the NDP, and also in Manitoba and British Columbia. Here, it is the Liberal Party. In the Province of Quebec, it is the Parti Quebecois. It is important to have an agency that represents legitimate government interests, and not the partisan position of one political party or another.

The CIO was established after the 1995 referendum because we almost lost the country. This was a referendum where the results were very close, split almost 50-50 between the yes and the no vote.

It is important to remember that national unity is not just about information. We must have a very strong country, and an economy that is very strong and very fair for all Canadians.

When I look at the government right now, I see that it has cut too deeply into our social programs. I am thinking in particular of medicare, which has been slashed by the Liberal government. The one big difference between this country and the United States lies in social programs such as medicare. This is something that unifies the country from coast to coast. It is very important. Right now, we have a federal government that is only contributing 13, 14 or 15 cents out of every dollar spent on medicare throughout Canada.

I remember very clearly how, years ago, Tommy Douglas, the leader of the federal NDP, as well as the premier of my province of Saskatchewan, established medicare. In the 1960s—1966 or 1967—medicare was introduced Canada-wide by Lester B. Pearson. At that time, the federal government paid 50% of the cost of medicare in our country, and the provinces paid the other 50%. Now, the provinces are paying almost 85% or 87%, while the federal government is paying between 13% and 15%.

It is the lack of confidence in our federal government—I am not talking about the Liberal Party here—the lack of confidence in our social programs, such as medicare, and the lack of confidence in our education system and many other things that are contributing to the lack of national unity.

In our country, we can now afford to rebuild our social safety net, to have the best health care system, the best social programs, the best transportation system and the best communications system in the world. We have the money to do all that. With a very strong economy, we also have the flexibility to reorganize the federation immediately. We can recognize Quebec as a distinct society.

I was in favour of the Meech Lake accord and worked very hard on that proposal ten or twelve years ago. The current Prime Minister was against the Meech Lake accord. My friends remember vividly the role he played, ten or twelve year ago, with Clyde Wells and even with Mr. McKenna, who was the Premier of New Brunswick at that time. We saw the beginning of a rift during the Meech Lake discussions.

In this country, we still need to have an open mind and recognize Quebec as being different, unique and distinct. It is something we can celebrate everywhere in Canada. We also need some flexibility in our federation on the part of the other provinces, in another sense, and we need to recognize the right of aboriginal people to self-government. This is very important.

We can do all that since we have the money and we have a population that is diversified and open to new ideas. It is easier to have new ideas in a strong economy. It is easier to be generous when there is money in one's pockets. It is easier to have new ideas when there is money in one's pockets.

That is why national unity is not only about information on government, not only about having a new constitution, not only about such things but also about social programs like health insurance and a communications system such as CBC and Radio-Canada to unify this country.

What we have now, however, is a government that is in the process of slashing the budget of CBC and Radio-Canada. The Liberal government has reduced their budget more than Brian Mulroney's Conservative government. It may be a bit surprising to see a Liberal government doing this, to see that it is more conservative than the Conservatives, but such actions do not promote national unity.

We need the CBC and Radio-Canada. They are part of our national unity. We need a good communications system in what has become the largest country in the world. Now we are bigger, in terms of geography, than Russia. In this country, when we talk of national unity, we need a public broadcasting system, a public communications system.

The Canada Information Office is important, but it is only a small step toward national unity. As I said in French, the one thing that really sets us apart as Canadians from Americans is the fact that we have good, progressive social programs in Canada. I am talking about the national health care program, which is progressive.

There are a lot of things that unite us.

I look at my friends in the Bloc Quebecois and I see many similarities between Quebec and western Canada, in terms of the co-operative movement, the credit unions and the caisses populaires. I see many similarities in terms of community spirit and people working together. I see many similarities in terms of the social democrats of the New Democratic Party in western Canada and social democrats in the province of Quebec. If we could somehow organize and strengthen our similarities we could create a very strong and powerful country.

Too often we concentrate on the negatives, on the things that divide us. Too often we have politicians who practise the politics of division. We see that particularly in this parliament. Basically, we have five regional political parties, with Reform being the party of the three western provinces and the Conservative Party being the party of the Atlantic. My party represents the west and the Atlantic. The Liberal Party is basically the party of Ontario.

By definition, the Bloc Quebecois is the party of Quebec. We are all divided.

We tend to speak for regional interests. We could get rid of some of that. We could change our electoral system and bring in a mix of proportional representation so that whatever party gets 20% of the votes in the country would get roughly 20% of the seats. That would foster national unity because it would force each party in the country to have a national vision of where it wanted to go. A vote in Quebec for the Canadian Alliance would be as important as a vote in downtown Calgary. It would be the same thing for the NDP, the Liberals, the Conservatives or the Bloc Quebecois. It would force political parties to have a national vision. We are one of only three countries in the world with more than eight million people which does not have some semblance of proportional representation in our electoral system.

Along with electoral reform, we could reform this place to make the role of members of parliament more meaningful. We could strengthen the committees of the House and provide them with more independence. We could have more free votes and fewer confidence votes. We could take away power from the executive and the prime minister and restore power to parliament, where it belongs, to make this place more democratic and more accountable. Those are the kinds of things that would foster national unity, a stronger country and a sense of nationalism and Canadian identity from one ocean to the second ocean to the third ocean, right across the country. Those are the things that have to happen.

For example, why should a prime minister have so much power that the prime minister by himself, and except for one brief exception it was always by himself, appoints not just cabinet ministers, but the heads of all agencies, crown corporations and supreme court justices without any kind of democratic vetting of those appointments and without any kind of democratic accounting by the relevant parliamentary committee? That is too much power to focus in one person's hands.

I have not even said a word about the Senate, which is probably the most important place of political patronage in the history of the country, where the prime minister appoints his or her friends every few months to an office where they can serve until they are 75 years old without any democratic accountability or legitimacy whatsoever.

The whole question of national unity is one which involves more than simply proper information about what the federal government is doing. In fact, that is only a very small part of it. It should involve constitutional change, electoral change and democratic change in terms of our institutions. We should have a vision of an economy that is more equal and more just for each and every citizen; a vision of a country where the ordinary working family gets a more equal part of the national pie, where we have social programs that are fully funded, where unemployment insurance is fully funded, as well as health care, and where we have money for post-secondary education. If we did those things we would do more to foster national unity than anything else.

I look back on the heyday of national unity, which was really in the 1960s with the great celebration in Montreal of Expo '67. We had prosperity. We had great visions. Social programs were being born. The Canada pension plan was being born. People were happy. They were celebrating this country. The Victoria Charter was introduced, which would radically change the country. Six or seven provinces had agreed to become officially bilingual. There was all kinds of movement in the country, with inspirational leadership from people like Tommy Douglas, Lester Pearson and Bob Stanfield, who were in this House, and premiers like Robarts.

There were dreams. They did things then which made the country better, more progressive and more sensitive to diversity. They celebrated diversity, bilingualism and multiculturalism, and they tried to build things for our aboriginal people.

If we did those kinds of things in the future, we could have more national unity.

Income Tax Act Amendments, 1999 June 7th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I would like to say a few words in this debate in terms of some of the important tax issues that are being implemented by this legislation.

When we look at the taxation system, Mr. Speaker, I think you would agree even from the Alberta perspective that the tax system must be fair in how it treats ordinary people. I also hope you would agree that the tax system should be very progressive.

We should have a tax system that taxes people on their ability to pay. We have moved away from that a bit in the last few years in terms of what the Mulroney government did when it reduced the number of marginal tax brackets from seven to three. Now we have a 16% tax bracket, a 26% tax bracket and a 29% tax bracket. The 26% would be rolled back to 23% which will make it a bit more progressive.

One thing I have been advocating is that we should make it a bit more progressive. If I had my way on the drawing board, I would return to maybe not seven tax brackets, but five marginal tax rates. There would be a bit more progressivity in the system. The United States has more tax brackets than we have.

We should also raise the basic exemption for Canadians to an amount much higher than what it is today. Today I think it is $6,700 or $6,800 for Canadians across the board. I would like to see it go up to $10,000 or $12,000 in terms of making it more progressive. Also, lower income people would not be taxed to the same extent as they are today. It would take many more people off the tax rolls.

I do not want to speak for too long. My friend in the Conservative Party from Nova Scotia wants to say a few words before we adjourn, so I will try to keep my comments to about 10 minutes. Perhaps you could give me the nod at that time, Mr. Speaker.

There are a couple of things which I think should be talked about a bit more in this country. Often the comparison is made by more conservative minded politicians, in particular the people in the Canadian Alliance, that taxes in Canada are so much higher than in the United States.

A study came out in the news today which compares income tax rates in Canada and the United States. I am sick and tired of comparing apples and oranges, just comparing tax rates in isolation. The study says that in general the tax rates in the United States are lower than those in Canada. I will give a couple of examples.

In 1997 a family with an income of $40,000 paid about $6,900 in income tax in Canada. In the United States they paid about $5,200 in income tax.

If we look across the board we find that the percentage in this country is a bit higher in every bracket, high, middle or low than it is in the United States. What is forgotten are some of the other costs of living in the United States.

For example, in the United States if one is lucky enough to get health care, one may have to pay $1,000 U.S. a month. Health care in Canada is paid through general revenue and general taxes. That is one of the benefits of our taxes. The taxes are a bit higher and one reason for it is we do not have health in the private sector. We do not have private premiums. We do not have a user fee or a user tax on health care. In the United States it costs perhaps $1,000 a month to get health care.

Also in that country around 40 million people or more are not insured. There are about 100 million people who are underinsured in the United States for health care. That is a radical difference between our country and the United States.

If the average family is paying an extra $2,000 or $3,000 in taxes a year, health care by itself will more than eliminate the gap between the American taxpayer and the Canadian taxpayer. If one is paying $1,000 U.S. per month in premiums for health insurance, that adds up to $12,000 to $13,000 U.S. or about $18,000 Canadian per year for health insurance. Our health insurance comes out of general revenues from the provincial governments in the main but also from the federal government under a cost sharing plan. That is one of the benefits of being in Canada.

I want to throw two other arguments on the table as well. It is rather facetious just to compare the tax rates of the two countries.

Canada has a much lower crime rate than the United States. That makes our cost of living lower than that of the United States in terms of policing costs. It makes insurance costs in Canada lower because the crime rate is radically lower. We do not have to carry a handgun or weapons or have the insecurity in most parts of the country that we see in the United States. Again, when making tax comparisons, an issue like crime is not factored in in terms of the higher costs south of the border.

The third area is education. Everyone knows it costs an awful lot more to send a young person to university in the United States than it does here. Tuition fees are too high here; we all agree on that. Many of us are lobbying the federal government to put more money into post-secondary education and are lobbying the provinces to make sure they put more money into it and tuition fees are lowered to make university education more accessible to everyone.

In the United States tuition fees often are around $15,000 U.S. per year. For a unique university such as Columbia it could be perhaps $25,000 U.S. a year for tuition. We are looking at $15,000 to $30,000 Canadian and more in tuition per year for a student in the United States. Someone told me today that the average student debt in the United States is probably over $100,000 U.S. My recollection is that the average student debt in Canada is between $15,000 and $25,000 Canadian.

Again one reason that the student debts and tuition fees are lower in this country is that the money comes out of taxes to a much greater extent than in the United States of America. We are getting some benefit from the taxes that Canadian people are paying.

When we hear the arguments by members in the Canadian Alliance that our taxes are so much higher than the United States, they are really comparing apples and oranges. They are not comparing some of the benefits that we get from the taxes we pay.

There is a very strong argument that we be concerned that there is enough taxpayers' money to ensure that we do have good progressive programs, that we do have social programs, that we do have an infrastructure. There is a role for government and for the mixed economy in this country. The economy should not be left totally to the free market.

I look at some of the leadership candidates of the Canadian Alliance, like Tom Long and others, who believe that almost everything should be left to the so-called free market, that there should not be a role for government. That party is almost anti-government in what it advocates, not so much the former leader of the opposition as Stockwell Day and Tom Long who are on the far right, the extreme radical right.

There is a role for government. If there is a role for government, then we have to have a fair taxation system so we can fund the government programs. The whole issue in Canada is fair taxes and making sure we have a tax rate based on the ability to pay, so that the ordinary citizen pays less in taxes, so that the poorer people do not pay taxes and the wealthier people in some cases pay even higher taxes than they do today.

I will give an example of what I mean. The Bronfman family is one of the wealthiest families in this country. In 1991 the Bronfmans moved a lot of their assets, I believe it was stocks, to the United States from Canada. Officials in the Department of National Revenue, under the previous government, made a ruling that the Bronfmans would not have to pay capital gains tax on the appreciation of their assets when they moved them out of the country to the United States. According to the auditor general and according to information that has now come out in court cases, the Bronfman family basically got a $700 million gift when they moved that money out of Canada into the United States.

On the other hand, if an ordinary bus driver in Kingston, Ontario owes $200 or $300 to the federal government, the Department of National Revenue will track that poor bus driver down and demand that he pay the bill and that he pay interest on top of it, but not the Bronfman family. They got a $700 million tax holiday, a tax gift, because officials in the department of revenue were able to write it off.

We need tax fairness. Four years ago the current government said that it would bring in legislation to change this. That did not happen until a ways and means motion was tabled in the House yesterday. That will bring in some legislative changes promised back in 1996.

This is what I mean when I talk about tax fairness. The Bronfmans with a family trust can get away with a tax gift of $700 million, and the ordinary citizen who owes a few hundred dollars on a tax bill is hounded, searched down, charged a penalty and interest. That is not fair. It is unjust. That is what I mean by tax fairness and equity in terms of how we treat people.

Some people say we should not do it that way, that we should have a flat tax where everyone pays the same tax rate. The Peter Pocklingtons and the wealthier people would pay the same tax rate, such as 17%, as the middle class. That would increase the burden on the middle class or would cut back on government programs, or a combination of both. I do not believe that is tax fairness either.

These are some of the issues I wanted to raise. Before I cede my place on the floor to a member of the Conservative Party, I conclude by saying that the main issue is fairness when it comes to taxes. There should be no special status and no special exemptions for wealthier people or bigger corporations, like the family trusts we have had in the past.

I believe in tax fairness. I believe lower income people need to get a tax break.

I also believe there is a role for government. We need a government that is proactive, a government that will provide leadership in terms of stronger social programs. There is a role for a mixed economy in this country. I think that is the direction most people want to go.

If I read public opinion correctly, I think the ordinary working families believe that large corporations have too much control and too much influence over the agenda of our country. Canadians see the Liberal Party as being a bit wimpy in terms of standing up to the agenda of large corporations. Canadians want the government to have more spunk and more backbone. They want a people's agenda, where people are put first and there is a more equitable distribution of wealth and power. That is the way the ordinary people of Canada want to go.

We have tremendous opportunities. One way to give people opportunities and to build a strong country is to make sure that we have a very fair and equitable tax system.

Taxation June 6th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Harris has now won two different court decisions, including one in the Federal Court of Appeal last Friday, June 2. This involves a $700 million tax break. That is a lot of money in terms of fairness to the Canadian people.

Given that, could the minister now assure the House that he will not ask for an appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada, that he will not appeal this case?

Taxation June 6th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Revenue. Last week George Harris from Winnipeg won in the Federal Court of Appeal the right to challenge the legality of a tax break that was given to the Bronfman family trust.

The case involves a $700 million tax break. The trust has given Revenue Canada the right to reassess its decision within a 10 year period that expires in 2001.

Given that this may end up in the supreme court and indeed may be brought by the federal government, will the minister now do the right thing and reassess his department's decision immediately so that Canadian taxpayers will not be shortchanged?

Budget Implementation Act, 2000 June 5th, 2000

Madam Speaker, a reduction in the GST would be the best way to reduce taxes in a very fair and balanced way for ordinary Canadians. One point in the GST means about $3 billion in terms of total government revenue.

In essence the GST is a flat tax. Everyone pays the same tax. When someone gets a haircut one pays 7% whether it is wealthy person, a poor person or a middle income person. Some people do not get haircuts so they are at tremendous advantage here in the House of Commons. It does not make much sense to reduce the GST for our friend from Vancouver, but for most people a reduction in the GST is the quickest way to create a fairer tax system.

It is also the quickest way to stimulate the economy by putting more money back into the hands of consumers, particularly ordinary people who will spend it on the necessities of life and in turn create jobs.