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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was money.

Last in Parliament November 2005, as Conservative MP for Southern Interior (B.C.)

Won his last election, in 2004, with 37% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Budget Implementation Act, 1994 March 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, it will not even take me that long to expose the hoax of the question he posed.

The parliamentary secretary knows well that much of the reduction was coming through a growth in the economic situation in the country. Using a figure lower than the one proposed by the finance minister at that time, using a figure that was compatible with the one that the Liberal government is using right now, it was based on a real deficit, not one that was propped with non-recurring factors added to the budget to make it look worse than it really was.

Budget Implementation Act, 1994 March 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I have a short comment to make. The member opposite knows well where the Reform Party would makes its cuts because they were well publicized.

Would the minister be prepared to amend the bill so that the increments were paid if the Reform Party showed him how to save $2 for every $1 it costs without causing any job loss?

Board Of Referees March 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the board of referees normally has two chairs but now is shut down because the government chose not to renew the term of the only current chair.

Will the minister agree to extend the term of Rocco Mastrobuono so that the board can continue to function, given the length of time the government seems to need to deal with this problem?

Board Of Referees March 25th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, on March 11, I raised a question with the Minister of Human Resources Development regarding the Board of Referees in my riding, the failure of his office to deal with our inquiries and an

apparent plan to appoint a wholly unqualified Liberal supporter as chairman of the board.

The minister assured me that if I provided details of the problem he would respond quickly. The same day I supplied the minister with a list of the number of calls made to his office and the persons who called. I also supplied the names of three highly qualified people recommended by community leaders to fill these positions. To date I have received no reply.

When will we get action to re-establish this very important board in the riding?

Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Suspension Act March 24th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to Bill C-18. My riding of Kootenay West-Revelstoke is very adversely affected by the proposed boundaries adjustment act. The riding is currently made up of two specific geographic areas which have much in common. Virtually all of my riding is located in a valley setting on or near one of three waterways.

There are some notable exceptions in this for mountainous communities such as Rossland and Warfield. The entire riding is involved in forestry, hydroelectric power generation and tourism. The Columbia River treaty affects all communities on or near the river from Trail in the south of the riding to Revelstoke in the north.

Many people travel between towns for work and recreational purposes. In the interests of economy we have learned how to share. For example, in 1996 Trail and Castlegar are jointly hosting the British Columbia Summer Games. Either community is too small to host this by itself, but by working together the 1996 games should be a spectacular success.

In short, we are a riding consisting of commonality of both geography and concerns. The proposal under the current Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act effectively dismantles this riding that has so much in common.

The West Kootenay portion of the riding is split down the middle with Trail and surrounding communities being placed in a riding that would find its centre in the Okanagan, 200 miles to the west, an area that has nothing in common with its new addition. The rest of the West Kootenays would find itself in a riding with its centre 200 miles to the east, again with little in common with its new addition.

Revelstoke would find itself in a new riding made up of parts of the north Okanagan where it would likely centre. This riding would then proceed east past Revelstoke and the Rogers Pass, all the way to the Alberta border and include the northern portion of the former Kootenay East. Kootenay East would have to give up this portion of its old riding to make up for receiving the chunk that came from Kootenay West which no one asked for. Revels-

toke has little in common with any of these geographic areas and would be poorly served by the change.

With these changes Kootenay West-Revelstoke would cease to exist and, yes, I would be an MP without a riding. Given all these problems for the riding and faced with the loss of my own seat, one might ask why I am not supporting the motion by the government. Indeed many have asked that very question.

The reason is as follows. In the early stages of the drafting of the bill the government was looking for consent from all parties. Aside from the problems created for individual ridings like Kootenay West-Revelstoke, there were two main areas of concern regarding the current boundary readjustment. One of these is the fact that it creates six new ridings in Canada, two of which are in B.C. The B.C. ridings would most likely end up Reform ridings, but we still oppose this because we feel the last thing Canadians want or need is more MPs in Ottawa.

Each MP adds about half a million dollars in direct costs plus untold costs for offices, printing services and supplies, not to mention the cost of refurbishing the House which has no additional capacity at this time. A condition that would have been necessary for us to support the bill would have been an assurance that no new seats would have been added to any future boundary adjustments. We did not get this assurance.

Another condition we would have required is more public input and control. One of the problems with the current system is that it does not consult the public until the plan is complete, the maps are drawn and it is almost a done deal. The government was not prepared to offer any assurances on this concern either.

Given that we believed these requests were reasonable and in the public's best interest, we had to consider that the government had a hidden agenda. The hidden agenda we suspected was a great increase in the number of seats and the removal of public input into the process.

Following the passage of the bill to suspend redistribution and disband existing provincial boundary commissions, it is expected the government will make a motion to assess continual increase in the number of members of Parliament and to review the selection methods of the commission members, public involvement and the commission's powers.

This assessment will be carried out by a committee of MPs on which the Liberal government would have an absolute majority. In actual fact the government by virtue of its majority can operate in a manner of dictatorship for the next five years. The invoking of closure which the Liberals have strongly opposed in the past is the most recent example of business in the usual style of the former government.

While we have heard of one famous name from the past receiving a dollar a year to advise the Liberals, we cannot help but wonder if Brian Mulroney was also in need of a dollar.

The current process has now reached a point at which public input is heard. As devastating as the current proposed changes are for my riding, I would prefer to deal with it through the public hearing process than take a chance on the government accepting or even increasing the number of seats in Parliament or removing the public from the process.

Agriculture March 24th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, people often remark about grain farm subsidies, usually not in a very positive manner. What most people are not aware of is the problems faced by grain farmers which are beyond their control.

Since the 1970s provincial and federal governments and the Wheat Board of Canada have supplied 18,000 hopper cars to railways.

In spite of this, some Manitoba elevators have not seen a rail car in over two months. Most elevators are full to capacity and April 1 road restrictions in Manitoba will restrict the movement of grain by farmers.

There are currently 30 ships in Vancouver harbour awaiting grain. These ships get up to $20,000 a day in demurrage charges and this comes out of the farmers' pockets. Some ships have left empty after collecting as much as $350,000 in demurrage charges.

Since the Vancouver port shutdown, western grain farmers have lost approximately $200 million in grain sales and demurrage charges. Canadian farmers cannot afford this and neither can the Canadian economy.

Borrowing Authority Act, 1994-95 March 23rd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I would be happy to elaborate on that. I do not have the details of it in front of me, as the hon. member mentioned. However, the concept simply is that we have to start looking beyond the salary of the individual person.

I mentioned the idea of the government setting a threshold in the reduction of old age credits at $26,000 which, as I said, is not a very high income for an individual. However, if we start combining incomes and the family income is higher that is when we should start looking. Obviously the expenses for two or more living as a family unit are not the same as those of individuals trying to provide their own housing, food and so on.

Realistically we have to look at this in a way that we can reduce some government expenditures but at the same time not place a hardship on seniors. The idea of the old age pension to which I referred was something that was brought in to aid people who had a problem in sustaining a reasonable standard of living in their old age. Now we are giving it out to millionaires.

The government answers on one hand by saying: "We tax it back". That is terrific. First we give away money to people who do not need it. We create a bureaucracy to give it to them and then we create another bureaucracy to get it back from them. The worst of it is that we let them keep some. The bottom line is that we cannot help the people who really need it if we keep on giving money to those who do not. That is the reason we have to address the concept of family income. It is a fair way of addressing that problem.

Borrowing Authority Act, 1994-95 March 23rd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I thank the hon. member for his question.

Certainly every time our debt seems to get a bit higher and a bit worse it makes international lenders look a little more sceptically at the ability of Canada to pay off these loans. We have seen our interest rating drop. I am sure we will see other measures taken by international lenders.

I mentioned New Zealand in my speech. What happened in New Zealand was not something that it got a lot of warning about. It came to the point where lenders lost confidence in the ability of New Zealand to make its payments and in a one-month time period it was virtually cut off all foreign loans. That could happen to Canada. I am sure we have a much stronger economy than New Zealand had even though we also have more debt. I am sure people are waiting to see if we can do something in Parliament.

Occasionally we hear encouraging words, unfortunately not followed by encouraging deeds, on the government side of the House. We are hoping that government members will come to their senses and deal with our tremendous debt and deficit. The lenders are waiting to see if they will come around to that. If they do not, I am sure we will see a further drop in our credit rating and higher interest rates.

Borrowing Authority Act, 1994-95 March 23rd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, although I have spoken many times in the House during members' statements and question period, I am pleased to rise in the House for the first time without a severe time constraint in response to the debate on Bill C-14.

I would first like to offer my congratulations to you on your appointment as Deputy Speaker of the House. I also congratulate all members of the House on their successful campaigns, especially those members who have been re-elected. During a time when the public is growing more wary of politicians being returned to Parliament that is a feat worth noting. It should be an interesting and productive Parliament.

My thanks to the constituents of Kootenay West-Revelstoke for the confidence they have shown in me to be their representative here in Parliament.

I will not take the usual time to wax eloquent about the beauty of my riding. Those who are from there know how incredible it is. Those who are from other places are mistaken in believing that theirs equal it.

It is not the intention of the Reform Party to criticize the government just for the sake of opposition as was often the style of opposition parties in the past. We will be the first to acknowledge good legislation when it occurs. Likewise when we do not agree with the government position we will try to offer constructive alternatives.

We want this Parliament to work for all Canadians, not just whoever makes the best speech from time to time. We stand prepared to work with the government and co-operate on any legislation that is in the best interests of the citizens of Canada.

Bill C-14 is somewhat of an enigma. I recognize on one hand that the government must have funds to operate during the ensuing period of awaiting the arrival of some of the tax dollars Canadian taxpayers have been sentenced to pay. On the other hand I am in a position in which I cannot in good conscience vote to support providing the government with its first instalment of an unacceptable level of spending. What is the alternative?

The alternative is to have come out with a budget based on spending reductions leading to a balanced budget and ultimately tax reductions. Had this been done Canadian taxpayers, myself among them, may not have felt the same level of hostility about the lack of restraint by the government. I would have been able to support this bill to temporarily borrow funds for reduced levels of spending.

Whenever someone goes to the bank or another financial institution to borrow money, the first thing the lender does is to look at the ability of the borrower to repay the loan. The Canadian government goes to a lot of lenders these days. I can assure members that these lenders look very closely at Canada's ability to repay the loans and they do not like what they see.

When these lenders look at Canada, do they see a borrower who needs to borrow to fulfil a short term shortage?-not likely. Canada has been in debt since the first world war. Do they see a borrower that is paying off its loan? Again the exact opposite is true. Not only are we not paying off our loan, we cannot even pay any of the interest on it.

In 1993 we were going into debt at the alarming rate of $56,000 a minute. Now one year later and four months into the new Liberal government we are going into debt at the rate of $84,000 a minute. It would be bad enough if the rate at which our debt was increasing had not improved, but in reality we are heading into a national debt hole we may not be able to get out of, at the accelerated rate of 50 per cent faster than one year ago. This is hardly something to inspire the confidence of the international lending place.

Do these lenders see a borrower that is expanding its business so as to be more profitable at some point in the future? There is no question that in the new budget the government intends to increase its revenues. Does this really relate to the equivalent of a business increasing its profits?-hardly. A more fitting analogy would be a situation where a business proposed to charge higher prices for its goods or services with absolutely no indication that anyone would or could pay this inflated price.

The government's utopian projections are based on so many variables that even a fanatical optimist would be shaken.

The next thing a lender looks at is the credibility of the main players in the company. They want to see if those major players are likely to lead the company to success and solvency or to greater debt and bankruptcy.

If the lenders look at the main players in the government, who do they see? They would see the Minister of Finance, the main financial officer of the government who went on a great tour of Canada to find out what Canadians wanted them to do. An overwhelming number of those consulted and not consulted said we should cut the spending and we should not raise taxes.

What did Canada's chief financial officer do? He increased government spending by $3.3 billion. He relied on increased revenues, taxes, to make up the difference in the spending hike, the exact opposite of what Canadians asked for. If he was not going to listen to what Canadians said, why then did he go through the sham and the expense of these hollow hearings?

Who were these Canadians who spoke out against increased spending and taxes? They were everyday Canadians who turned out at meetings across this country. They were small business owners and major corporations. They were organizations like the Vancouver Board of Trade, the British Columbia Chamber of Commerce, the Fraser Institute and the Canadian Taxpayers Federation. They were publications like Maclean's , the Vancouver Sun , the Toronto Globe and Mail and the Financial Post . They were economists and financial experts from across this country.

Even a member from the government side of the House was compelled to rise in defence of his own constituents. He pointed out to the Minister of Finance that if he had somehow heard Canadians state that they welcomed tax increases as he claimed they did, he did not hear it in the member's riding.

If the lenders looked at the CEO of the government, the Prime Minister, what would they see in terms of assurance, of the will and the expertise to bring the country out of its financial crisis? They would see a former Minister of Finance in whose hands the debt of this nation rose by 60 per cent during the two fiscal years he held that position.

During the week following the release of the 1994-95 budget figures the Prime Minister went on a national tour to sell this spending package. During an interview in Calgary in which it was very obvious the package was not selling well, the Prime Minister retorted that this was not a Tory budget nor a Reform budget nor an NDP budget; it was a Liberal budget. Of this there can be no doubt. It has always been the philosophy of the Liberal Party to tax and spend and in this it certainly has been true to its own philosophy. The question is can it work? The answer is a resounding no. The problem now is how do we get this point across to the main players of the government.

Let us suppose for a moment that these two people were mere mortals like the rest of us. Let us suppose they had a house with a mortgage, a car loan, children going to college who needed financial help. Let us suppose they had a paycheque with an ever decreasing disposable income and an economic future that held very little security. Can either of them honestly suggest that if they were in that situation they would support an increase in the very taxes that drained the lifeblood from them, their families and their future? I think not.

Would the Minister of Finance operate a company with the huge debt and interest payments this country has? Would he maintain inefficiency and duplication in that company by paying out more than required for various services and by expanding the company in areas that would lead to more debt without any increase in revenues or relief of the overall problem of the debt? Not very likely.

Why then is he offering this as a solution to the identical problems of this country? Why is he going to the Canadian taxpayers by way of their elected representatives and asking for the authority to begin this great spending plan by borrowing money for round one?

An explanation of the cause of this country's debt is not some great mystery like how they get the caramilk inside the chocolate bar. It is very simple for anyone who takes the trouble to look at the problem.

Canadians are looking at two problems: unemployment and debt. To solve these problems we have to decide if one causes the other and if so, which one to remove to solve the other.

If the government were to incur enough new debt to put every person in this country to work would that solve the debt problem? Of course it would not. If the country were able to get rid of its debt which is eating up our tax dollars and screaming ever louder for more would employment return? To answer that let us look at the unemployment problem and how it got so bad.

As this country's debt became larger and larger so did its appetite for tax dollars. When taxes go up, individual Canadians have less disposable income to spend on Canadian goods and services. At the same time when the taxes of Canadian companies go up, it is reflected in the price of their products. This makes it even harder for Canadians to purchase those products and also makes it difficult for these companies to compete with their international trading partners.

As a result, these companies have to shut down non-profitable sections of their operations and streamline the remaining operations. This results in the laying off of a great number of Canadian workers.

The solution then is to reduce the government's appetite for these tax dollars by reducing spending, balancing the budget and then working toward the reduction of taxes in this country. Simply put, this will provide individual Canadians with more disposable income with which to purchase Canadian goods and services. It will reduce the cost of these same Canadian goods and services and will make Canadian companies more competitive with their international trading partners.

It stands to reason if Canadian companies are able to market more products profitably they will expand and hire Canadians instead of closing down and laying Canadians off. Is this a

simplistic solution? Of course it is, but it is the only one that will work.

Maybe part of the problem is that everyone wants to find some complex, earth shattering solution which puts their own personal stamp on the recovery. The real solution does not belong to any one party or person. It is a matter of facing reality and reversing the disastrous actions of the past. Maybe then Canadians would not be so reluctant to approve temporary borrowing authority.

What we should do is take an honest look at how we got into our current financial mess. In the past the vote of Canadians has been for sale and the politicians of the past have bought that vote.

They bought it with overly generous social spending; not overly generous for those in need but overly generous for those not in need. They bought it with subsidies to business; not all business, only specially selected businesses that were in a position to aid the politicians or parties providing the grants. They bought it with subsidies to crown corporations in answer to special interest groups. They bought it with grants to those same special interest groups instead of requiring them to get their funding from those they claimed to represent. They bought it from rich or politically well connected individuals with promises of plum patronage appointments. Then they made good on those appointments.

Why would anyone act in a manner that is so detrimental to the needs of all Canadians?

In the politics of the past, with exceptions, there have been two rules. The first is to get elected and the second is to stay elected. Nothing else mattered. Now we have to pay the price. We have run up a debt of over half a trillion dollars and we are increasing that debt by $1 million every 12 minutes.

If government members want to restore public confidence in them and get the country on its feet, they must alter the budget by reducing the government's spending and balancing the budget within the term of the 35th Parliament of Canada.

The country will balance its budget and start paying off its huge debt in the foreseeable future. That is not in question. What is in question is the manner in which it will be done. We can choose to start now selecting the methods and speed with which we implement the program of financial responsibility, or we can wait as New Zealand did and have someone else make those decisions for us. Some might scoff at the idea of comparing ourselves with New Zealand and they would be right. The truth of the matter is that we are now much worse off financially than New Zealand was when it was forced to deal with its financial crisis.

Could the government have made a significant reduction in spending in its first budget in 10 years? I bet it could and I suspect more than one of its members would like to follow that course of action.

The areas in which the government could have reduced spending in its budget are numerous. I will list but a few examples of what could have been accomplished. Budget cuts in government operations will save $470 million. A reduction of 15 per cent of non-salaried overhead is achievable and would save $1.25 billion and the elimination of low priority government functions would save hundreds of millions more.

The budget reduced business subsidies by $120 million. Business subsidies are selective and available only to the chosen few. It would be far better off to eliminate all subsidies totalling up to $5 billion and work toward general tax deductions instead. If this had been done, the elimination of the capital gains exemption and tax increases on medium sized Canadian businesses would not have been necessary and job creation would have been stimulated, not discouraged. Instead of spending money to study funding of special interest groups, it could cut that funding, saving half a billion dollars a year.

Reductions of supplements for senior citizens who have a higher than average income is not an unreasonable concept, but the government should have looked at family income rather than at individual income. An income of $26,000 a year is not particularly high, but if a couple has $52,000 a year income a reduction of non-contributory income or credits is not unreasonable. In that area refocusing of the old age pension on people with family income below $54,000 a year would save $3.5 billion. A 25 per cent reduction in the subsidy of crown corporations would save $1.25 billion a year.

The government knows well that we have many other spending reduction proposals. I am sure it has many in mind. The few I have listed would have resulted in a reduction of this year's deficit by $10.5 billion. If the government complemented that by eliminating the spending increases in the budget, we would have had a deficit this year of approximately $26 billion. Had the government followed this course of action, I believe it would have won the approval of an overwhelming majority of taxpayers and I would have been able to support Bill C-14.

It is not too late. If the government is now ready to accept the $153 billion spending cap proposed by the Reform Party in the throne speech debate, I would be pleased to support the government's bill to borrow money for necessary spending.

Credit Rating March 23rd, 1994

Mr. Speaker, yesterday after the announcement of the downgrading of Canada's rating for foreign currency debt, the Minister of Finance stated it only affected a small portion of our total debt so it was no big deal.

Now the Bank of Canada has increased its key lending rate which undoubtedly will result in increased borrowing costs for Canadian consumers and businesses. It is also having an impact on the cost of government borrowing.

The budget did not address the deficit or debt. Now all Canadians are starting to pay for this short-sightedness.

When will the government realize it is on a course to financial disaster and revise the budget to deal with the problems it has created? Could it be that the government believes that all problems faced by Canadians are no big deal?