Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was farmers.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as NDP MP for Palliser (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2004, with 35% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Agriculture February 23rd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, there is a growing concern in rural Canada about the low farm commodity prices. This concern is especially prevalent in western Canada where forecasters are predicting weaker grain prices for 1998 and 1999.

One of Canada's chartered banks has already said that we could expect our export of wheat and coarse grains to decline as well. One market analyst said farmers need higher prices in order to make a go of it.

Farm gate prices which are already low are likely to worsen before they improve.

This worrisome trend is even more stark when related to rising input costs, including the cost of machinery, fertilizer, trucking costs and higher freight rates. In the west freight rates on grain have doubled and tripled since the Crow benefit was done away with by the Liberals.

Grain farmers are increasingly worried about their security and indeed about the future of the family farm.

Members of our caucus urge the Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food, the Minister of Transport and the government in general to take note before it is too late.

Canadian Wheat Board Act February 17th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I agree very much. That was the thrust of my remarks.

Farmers agreed as recently as last year that they wanted the Canadian Wheat Board to retain the authority to market barley. If at some future date they do not want the board to market anything, they will have the ability to make that decision democratically among themselves.

Canadian Wheat Board Act February 17th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, it is an oranges and apples question. Alberta and Manitoba opted out of a hog marketing arrangement some time before. I am not a member of the Saskatchewan government but I certainly support it. It felt that it made the best economic sense for hog farmers to cease the hog marketing operation in that province.

Canadian Wheat Board Act February 17th, 1998

No, Mr. Speaker.

Canadian Wheat Board Act February 17th, 1998

There are provisions to include and exclude grains. If farmers want it, as the member for Yorkton—Melville is saying, they can vote according to their wishes.

I simply do not believe in the 83% to 87%. Which is it? Is it 83% or 87%? Is it 53% or 43%?

Canadian Wheat Board Act February 17th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, with regard to the opt-in, opt-out provisions the member for Yorkton—Melville asked about, we believe fundamentally that it would lead very quickly to the dual marketing I endeavoured to talk about in my remarks.

That is what Alberta Justice Muldoon said. That is what the Reform Party refuses to discuss. We do not think that option can or will work.

Canadian Wheat Board Act February 17th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to participate at this third reading stage debate on Bill C-4, the amendments to the Canadian Wheat Board.

Following the initial debate last September, this bill was sent off to the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Agri-Food. As a then new member of this Chamber, I was optimistic that we would be able to, in a collegial committee atmosphere, make improvements to the bill. That obviously turned out not to be the case.

I found the committee experience to be a hollow exercise, by and large. The Liberals on the committee were not really interested in any give and take and the committee's deliberations were unduly rushed. As I said last week on second reading, the proof of that particular pudding was that even before the Canadian Wheat Board official could come before the standing committee, the opposition parties were informed by the standing committee that we had to have our amendments in for final deliberation.

There clearly was a rush to judgment on this. Now we have time allocation to contend with as well, when everyone knows that there will not be a vote on the new board until after this fall's harvest.

New Democrats have always supported the Canadian Wheat Board because we believe that it has worked in the best interests of farmers. However, we believe that Bill C-4 is a badly flawed piece of legislation which will undermine the board. I want to make it clear that our caucus will oppose Bill C-4 because we believe it to be faulty legislation.

In our judgment the test must be whether Bill C-4 will make the Canadian Wheat Board weaker or stronger. It is our contention, sadly, that this will weaken the Canadian Wheat Board.

As I said, we tried to fix this at the committee stage but the Liberals said no. Therefore we have no alternative but to oppose.

History shows that the wheat board has had for more than six decades overwhelming support from farmers. It was the farmers in the first place who demanded the Canadian Wheat Board. They supported it six decades ago and still support it now. The proof, which is a matter of public record, is that as recently as one year ago 63% of barley growers voted to have the board continue marketing that crop.

Why do farmers support the wheat board? Quite simply it is because the CWB has 60 years of international experience and is recognized as one of the top grain marketing organizations in the world. The western grain marketing panel asked representatives of grain marketing countries to rank their major grain exporters. What it found is that the CWB in Canada ranked number one in the world for marketing the highest quality of wheat at the best price.

Farmers, therefore, by and large support the wheat board. The New Democrats join them in that support. However, Bill C-4 is a badly flawed piece of legislation that will serve to undermine the board, which is why we are opposing these changes.

How does it undermine the board? For one thing, Bill C-4 will propose cash buying. We believe that this will undermine a fundamental pillar of the wheat board and thereby undermine farmer confidence in it. There are essentially three pillars of the Canadian Wheat Board, price pooling, government guarantees and single desk selling. We believe that two of these are at risk, price pooling and government guarantees. If we adopted some of the Reform motions the third pillar would be gone or severely restricted as well, the single desk selling aspect.

Under the terms of Bill C-4 the wheat board will be able to buy grains from anyone, anywhere, at any time and at any price. This disrupts the board's long practice of buying grain from farmers at announced prices and distributing profits to all on an equitable basis.

Second, Bill C-4 proposes a contingency fund which could cost farmers as much as $570 million in check-offs. The fund is not needed. Farmers cannot afford it. They do not generally understand that this is going to impact on them and they sure as heck are not going to like it when they find out that it does impact on them.

This proposal on the contingency fund flows from the provision for cash buying. A contingency fund would not be necessary if Ottawa continued to provide financial guarantees to the board as it has always done. We want the Canadian government to continue to provide guarantees beyond the initial purchase for the Canadian Wheat Board rather than passing this buck to farmers, and that is the gist of an NDP amendment that was voted down last night by the silent Liberal majority.

Finally there is the question of governance. For 60 years the wheat board, as a crown agency, has done an admirable job for farmers. Now the government is suggesting that the board cease to be a crown agency and it says that Bill C-4 will put farmers in control of the wheat board's destiny.

Bill C-4 proposes a 15 member board of directors, 10 elected by producers and 5 appointed by Ottawa. If there is to be a board of directors, we have no problem with the government's naming some members to that board. Because the government is to have considerable financial exposure it is only reasonable and logical that it have some window into the board's operation. That, too, was reflected on how we voted last night.

However, under Bill C-4 the minister goes the extra mile by retaining the authority to pick the president of the board of directors, a person who will also double as the chief executive officer of the CWB, and our caucus is opposed to this.

It was interesting to hear the minister responsible for the wheat board talk glowingly this morning about how this bill was to put farmers firmly in the driver's seat. We think that this provision will firmly put them in the back seat, not the driver's seat.

We believe this gives the government too much control over a board of directors that should really be accountable to farmers and it gives the government too much control over the daily operations of the wheat board.

We believe the board of directors should have the authority to choose the president and CEO and we urged the minister to make this amendment, again unfortunately to no avail.

If the wheat board is to have a board of directors, elections must be fair, open and transparent. These should be elections by and for farmers without any interference from vested corporate interest or anyone else for that matter.

The amendments we put forward propose such a measure of fair elections, meaning one producer and one vote. Fair elections mean a limit as well on the campaign spending of candidates, just as there are in federal and provincial elections, so that wealthy individuals or wealthy corporations do not have an unfair advantage.

The wheat board is a $6 billion industry in this country and certain corporate interests would love to get their hot little hands on it. We do not want them using their deep pockets to influence unduly elections to the board of directors.

Turning to the inclusion clause, it is one of the things which a number of farmers generally support, to make provision for the inclusion of addition grains under wheat board jurisdiction. Under Bill C-72 the wheat board was given the ability to exclude grains from the board's authority, so it is only fair and reasonable again that farmers or producers could vote to add extra grains as well. Such an inclusion would occur only after a vote of producers. It would be democratic. Our caucus strongly supports the inclusion clause but there is much concern about how a vote to include an additional grain would be actually triggered.

We proposed this specific amendment. It stipulated that the process for inclusion be the same as excluding a grain; namely, the board of directors of the wheat board ask for it and the farmers, the producers of the commodity, would then vote on it. These are sensible and moderate propositions in sharp contrast to some of the venom which has been spread in recent months by the coalition against Bill C-4. I will come back to that in a few moments.

The activities of this coalition really are nothing more than a frontal attack on the Canadian Wheat Board, an attempt to do through the back door what it was unable to do through the front door in the plebiscite on barely in 1997. One of the big objections to the coalition against Bill C-4 is the insistence that the inclusion clause be dropped.

We say that the debate about the wheat board is a debate for farmers and not for corporate greed and self-interest. We ask those, including members of the Reform Party and the agri-business lobby, why they are worried about a possible producer vote to include a grain. Why are they afraid of a vote by producers? Why not simply let the farmers decided on what they want to include or exclude?

We were somewhat taken aback yesterday when the minister responsible for the wheat board proposed a death bed repentance, an 11th hour amendment that would do away with both the inclusion and exclusion clause. This is exactly what this coalition lobby against Bill C-4 has demanded. The amendment would have allowed the minister responsible for the wheat board to choose when there would be a vote to either include or exclude a grain.

We said no because we think the intent of this bill is to give more power to the board of directors, then immediately the proposal from the minister responsible will be for him to take that authority back. It was an attempt to grab power back from the board of directors even before it was handed over. We do not believe in that. That is why we voted as we did last evening.

We think the Liberals cannot be trusted on the Canadian Wheat Board. We are dealing with the Minister responsible for the Canadian Wheat Board, the same minister who in the 35th Parliament managed to do away with the Crow benefit at great cost to western Canadian grain farmers. There are those who sincerely believe that Bill C-4 will be used by the government to privatize the wheat board down the road or to do away with it entirely in future rounds of trade negotiations. We understand the World Trade Organization will begin deliberations late in 1999.

We know only too well that the free trade agreement and NAFTA have restricted the ability of our governments to act in our national public interest. We know too that the United States routinely attacks the wheat board's activities, not to mention its attacks on other Canadian agricultural marketing agencies. We expect the assault to continue at the negotiations of the World Trade Organization.

Let me turn to Reform's stand on the Canadian Wheat Board. It is our contention that Reform members, many of whom managed to talk out of both sides of their mouths on this issue, say they support the wheat board but they also support dual marketing.

I listened with great interest to the Reform member for Prince George—Peace River, who has been leading his party's position on this. He said at the outset of his speech this morning that his party does not oppose the Canadian Wheat Board, and then he mentioned eastern Canadians do not have the misfortune of being under the Canadian Wheat Board. This is the kind of double speak we hear regularly from the members of this party. I do not think there is any question they would like to see the Canadian Wheat Board disappear as quickly as possible.

It is our contention that dual marketing cannot exist with single desk selling. It would quickly destroy the Canadian Wheat Board.

The Reform Party never wants to talk about the reference by Mr. Justice Muldoon in Alberta on the Alberta charter challenge against the board's authority as a single desk marketer of barley. Justice Muldoon said that dual marketing would do away with the wheat board and would simply be a transition to an open market.

That is something Reformers refuse to acknowledge. However it is a fact and we would like to hear them talk about it in some detail. In fact Reformers are fundamentally opposed to the wheat board and do everything possible to attack it in their blind ideology and extremist rhetoric.

I would like to speak to the Reform amendment we are technically debating. Reformers say the wheat board is a dark and secretive institution because its books are not open to the auditor general and access to information laws.

Let us deal with some of the facts. The CWB is a $6 billion a year operation. Parliament requires that an external independent auditor scrutinize the wheat board's books on an annual basis. The auditor is Deloitte & Touche. Each year a report is filed with parliament where it can be examined and questioned at any length. I have looked through the Deloitte & Touche annual report. The last one was issued in 1996. The auditors pronounced the wheat board to be in good shape.

It is true that the wheat board is exempt from provisions of the Access to Information Act. We have delved into this matter and are satisfied that the overriding reason for it is the question of customer confidentiality with respect to the conduct of the wheat board's commercial activities. If customers, big and small, cannot be assured that their business dealings with the wheat board will be held in confidence, they will obviously go elsewhere to do their business.

It is interesting that Reformers and the same groups that frequently claim the wheat board does not maximize returns to producers would by this amendment undercut the board's ability to do just that. I am certain the Canadian Wheat Board provides more accountability than the other grain marketers operating in the country at the present time.

We in the NDP caucus say to those detractors of the Canadian Wheat Board that it is accountable to the people of Canada through parliament and through a public, external audit which is available to anyone who requires it. The Canadian Wheat Board is a far more open process and is far more open to scrutiny than the corporations that bankroll the Reform Party or the coalition against Bill C-4.

I was interested in the comments of the somewhat leather-lunged member from Calgary West this morning, a former employee of the National Citizens' Coalition. Clause 27 of the NCC's official bylaw expressly forbids any member involvement in the organization. It states:

Public members shall not be entitled to receive notice of or to attend any meeting of the members of the corporation and shall not be entitled to vote at any such meeting.

So much for openness, transparency and accountability.

New Democrats have always supported the Canadian Wheat Board. We believe it is in the best interest of farmers. However, Bill C-4, as I have tried to indicate in my remarks, is badly flawed legislation. It weakens two of the three pillars of the board and will serve to undermine farmers' confidence in it.

Our caucus has endeavoured to improve the bill but the truly silent Liberal majority has refused to accept any of our amendments. Therefore we reluctantly oppose Bill C-4.

National Defence February 16th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Defence.

As the minister knows firsthand from his meeting with the folks in Happy Valley-Goose Bay, alternate service delivery means slashed salaries, devastated communities, massive job losses and the Canadian military being deprived of the tools and talents it needs to do the job. Now other communities appear to be subject to this ASD flu as well.

Why will the minister of defence not order a halt to this race to the bottom before it destroys thousands more lives and several more communities?

Access To Information Act February 12th, 1998

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to take part in this important debate.

Bill C-208 is an act to amend the Access to Information Act. Incidentally, it makes no reference to crown corporations. The intent of these amendments is to provide sanctions against anyone who improperly destroys or falsifies government records in an attempt to deny access to information under the Access to Information Act.

I wish to congratulate the hon. member for Brampton West—Mississauga for her efforts in putting this bill forward. This caucus agrees with the sentiments expressed in the bill.

The Access to Information Act was proclaimed 15 years ago. In an earlier speech the hon. member for Brampton West—Mississauga said “in the 14 years since its inception, government bureaucracy has been sabotaging the intent of the act”.

As I reviewed the files in preparation for my remarks today, I came across a yellowed document from 13 years ago. It is a copy of a presentation made to a national forum on access to information by Ken Rubin from Ottawa. He is extremely well known for his efforts regarding access to information. An Order of Canada should be struck for him someday because he has played a very important role in the history of access to information. Mr. Rubin worked to get the Access to Information Act which he has used very well to ferret out information from government departments.

In his remarks Mr. Rubin said “Users of access to information must suffer for this rare privilege by being put through all kinds of hurdles and rules that emphasize information hide and seek”. I have other clippings that document the frustration that our information commissioners have had in trying to pry public information out of unwilling government departments and agencies.

These cases of departmental stonewalling and obstructions are one thing but recently the situation has become more serious. It is by now completely obvious that certain government departments and agencies have both destroyed and falsified information covered by the Access to Information Act.

Canadians know that defence department officials have altered documents relating to the Somalia inquiry. We also know that health officials have destroyed records on the tainted blood tragedy. This is clearly intolerable in our democracy.

The current information officer, Mr. John Grace, has called on the federal government to punish civil servants who intentionally destroy documents to avoid telling the truth to the public. This is the intention of the bill as we understand it.

I want to make it clear that I am not saying that many, most or all civil servants have been involved in any kind of document tampering or destruction. I also understand that in the Somalia case this destruction of documents occurred because senior officials ordered it done. But there certainly have been incidents.

We must admit that information which is the property ultimately of the people of Canada, information that they have paid for and continue to pay for through their taxes, information that they have the right to see has been wantonly destroyed.

In conclusion, we wish to make it clear that this practice should not be tolerated any further and that the hon. member's bill is an important step in that direction.

Division No. 72 February 12th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, just an observation at the outset. While we very much in this corner of the House oppose what the government has done today by invoking time allocation, it is interesting to note how quickly the debate is now going through once time allocation has been proceeded with.

We have been dealing with these groups of amendments for several days. It seems, by my calculation, to be taking slightly over a day to get through one group. We started at group 5 a couple of hours ago and now we are in the seventh and final group. It seems the Reform Party, which put up 19 or 20 speakers, is able to rush out and say look, the government forced us into time allocation and are they not a horrible group of people. Reform has the thing through. It won what it thinks it will be able to carry out to the farmers. It is a sham and a shame.

Group 7, the one we want to zero in on this afternoon, is the inclusion the clause. As the previous speaker indicated, our caucus does support the inclusion clause. We want to explain why we support the clause.

The previous bill allowed farmers to decide in a vote to remove or exclude grains from the board's authority. It seems to us that it is only fair, normal and natural that farmers can also vote to add additional grains. I stress that such an inclusion of a grain besides wheat and barley would occur only after a vote of farmers and/or producers. That is democracy in its truest form.

There has been a great deal of concern how a vote to include a grain would be actually triggered.

As the legislation stands a farm group would have to seek conclusion. The minister would then decide if the group was sufficiently representative of producers of the commodity in question. Only then would a vote occur.

Our proposal in Motion No. 44 was actually suggested by the minister of agriculture for the province of Saskatchewan when he appeared before the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Agri-Food last fall. We proposed that the process to include a grain be exactly the same as that of excluding a grain; that the board of directors of the wheat board ask for it; and that, if they do, farmers would then vote on it. This would streamline the process for the inclusion of a new grain and make it less divisive than we think the legislation before us now proposes.

We believe these are sensible and moderate propositions quite in contrast to the venom which has been spread in recent months by the so-called coalition against Bill C-4. The activities of this coalition are nothing more than an undisguised frontal attack on the Canadian Wheat Board. The coalition is trying to do through the back door what it failed to do through the democratic process.

I just want to run through its demands. The coalition continues to insist that barley be dropped from the wheat board's jurisdiction. As my colleague from Regina indicated a few minutes ago, farmers voted on that question in 1997. Some 63% of them voted in favour of keeping barley under the board's jurisdiction, notwithstanding the $1 million the Alberta government put up in paid advertising to try to ensure the vote would go against keeping barley within the CWB.

The coalition is also demanding cash buying and dual marketing as has been noted earlier. In our humble opinion and in the opinion of Judge Muldoon from Alberta that is nothing more than a prescription for doing away with the wheat board. It is something that farmers have rejected as recently as 11 months ago.

The coalition and its Reform partners are demanding that the inclusion clause for grains be dropped altogether from the bill. Who is it who wants barley out from the wheat board jurisdiction in the inclusion clause? We heard the previous speaker, the Reform agriculture critic, talk about some of those groups. I do not think he mentioned all of them. I just want to make sure we get them all in. Most of the faxes that arrived in my office carried the identification of the Canadian Federation of Independent Business, a well known farm group.

What other bona fide farm organizations belong to this unholy coalition? The Winnipeg Commodity Exchange. I do not think I heard the member make reference to the Winnipeg Commodity Exchange. The Winnipeg Chamber of Commerce has big farmers out there. The oilseed producers which includes Cargill and unofficially the Reform Party.

We say to these corporate interests and to the Reform Party that a debate about the wheat board is a debate for farmers and not a vote for corporations.

Let us compare the coalition to one group that supports the inclusion clause, the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, arguably the largest farm organization in Canada and an organization that has the Saskatchewan Wheat Pool as a member. Other supporters of the inclusion clause include Wild Rose Agricultural Producers from Alberta, not the member for Wild Rose but the agricultural producers of Wild Rose; the Saskatchewan Association of Rural Municipalities, which represents more than 200,000 rural taxpayers; and the Government of Saskatchewan. The previous speaker noted that Premiers Klein and Filmon had written to the minister responsible for the wheat board. Let the record show that the premier of Saskatchewan has recently written, urging that the inclusion clause remain in the bill.

We ask the Reform Party and the agribusiness lobby why they are worried about a possible producer vote to include grain, a party that talks constantly about plebiscites and referendums? Let the farmers decide. New Democrats have always supported the wheat board because it works in the best interest of farmers. That is why we support the inclusion clause.

Just before I take my place, I want to respond to something that was said by the member for Prince George—Bulkley Valley who assured the House that the NDP would be supporting Bill C-4. I want the record to show, as I said during debate on Group No. 5, that the minister responsible for the wheat board has done the impossible. He has all opposition parties offside on this legislation.

At this point in time we will be voting against Bill C-4 as it now stands.