Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was farmers.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as NDP MP for Palliser (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2004, with 35% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply February 5th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I wanted to direct a brief question to the member through you. It deals with an item that came up last night on television and I am wondering how the Reform Party might respond.

In the last several years successive governments in this country have eliminated the social portion of Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation. Last night viewers apparently saw some of the results of that in the city of Calgary where there is admittedly a very successful economy at the moment. A number of people simply cannot afford to rent accommodations there. The shelters are stretched and bursting at the seams.

I do not quite equate the member's answer that this has dramatically increased spending. We do not have enough social spending in this country on things like that. I am wondering how the paper the member's party has been touting all day deals with those kinds of problems.

Supply February 5th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I listened with interest to the minister's speech earlier and I want to come back to that.

The minister talked about cutting taxes to persons with disabilities, but he gave us no data on that. What would the tax reduction be for an average individual who is disabled? We know, for example, in the recent CPP changes, the pensions were slashed for folks with disabilities. What I would like to ascertain from the minister is what was the average reduction in taxes for persons with disabilities.

Military Sites December 10th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, one of the abandoned sites is in Stephenville, Newfoundland where people are afraid to drink the water because they believe it is contaminated.

Stephenville is one of dozens of Canadian communities affected by this truly terrible deal with the Americans.

Why will the government not put Canadian health and safety as well as our economic health ahead of American interests and negotiate a deal whereby the polluters pay?

Military Sites December 10th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the prime minister.

Last night Canadians had the opportunity to see on television the toxic mess left behind when Americans closed military sites in Canada. The CBC documentary clearly showed this government is letting the Americans walk away, leaving their toxic trash and a $1 billion clean-up bill behind. Moreover, our Canadian ambassador in Washington defends this bad deal.

Why will the prime minister not fire the ambassador and put someone there to protect Canadians from this toxic nightmare?

Revocation Of Mandate Of Inquiry Commission December 9th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I too am pleased to take part in this debate this afternoon, which says the government should obtain the consent of two-thirds of the members of this House before revoking the mandate of a commission of inquiry. I want to congratulate the hon. member for Berthier—Montcalm for bring the motion forward. I assure him at the outset of my support of this bill.

Everyone I think knows what is behind this motion and that is the Somalia commission which the member has upper most on his mind and our minds. The Canadian peacekeeping mission to Somalia and the subsequent muzzling of the commission of inquiry by the Liberal government opposite constitute a sad and tragic episode in Canadian history.

As we know now, something went horribly wrong in Somalia. Some Canadian soldiers sent there to keep the peace became the torturers and murderers of the very people they were sent to help. I know that only a very few Canadian soldiers were involved, but we cannot deny or hide under a rug what happened there. Nor can we deny the ugly strain of racism that showed itself in at least one of our regiments stationed in Somalia.

This behaviour was appalling enough. What is even more shocking is the cover-up that occurred, a cover-up that included some of our senior defence personnel. I think it is worth recalling how we found out about the tortures and killings in Somalia and about the cover-up.

We first learned about it through some enterprising news reporters. I congratulate members of my former profession and I would single out Michael MacAuliffe from CBC radio for bringing this unsavoury information to light in this country. We learned more when soldiers with a conscience blew the whistle as well. Throughout all this the upper echelons of the military establishment continued to stonewall and, even worse, to destroy some documents and tamper with others. We were not getting the full story on Somalia, so in 1994 the Liberal government named a commission of inquiry.

Initially the Liberals were great truth seekers and democrats. One might summarize that they enjoyed having a commission of inquiry probing into events that occurred during the term of the previous Mulroney government. We all watched as the commission began its work. We watched the stonewalling and obfuscation by military brass and their attempts to avoid having the real story come out. This subterfuge and these attempts at evasion prolonged the hearings and frustrated the commissioners.

The commission and its proceedings also began to frighten the Liberal government. They were now well into their term. They did not want to see the defence department's dirty linen washed in public, particularly in the run-up to the federal election of this last June. We all know what happened. In the run-up the Liberals ordered the Somalia commission shut down as of June 30.

One of the three Somalia commissioners, Peter Desbarats, a former distinguished journalist and now an instructor of journalism at the University of Western Ontario, described that shutdown as “one of the most brazen cover-ups and denials of responsibly in the history of this country”. He also called the Liberal action a “brazen cover-up and a denial of responsibility”.

Because the inquiry was snuffed out we will never know exactly what happened in Somalia, and we will never really know who was responsible for the ensuing cover-up. Exchange of information is the oxygen of a free and democratic society. By shutting down the Somalia inquiry the Liberals deprived of that vital oxygen in this instance.

To the best of my knowledge this is the first time ever that a federal government has shut down a commission of inquiry in mid-term. In his remarks earlier the parliamentary secretary, who had done some extensive research, talked about 350 commissions of inquiry, royal commissions, et cetera, but I did not hear him say how many had ever been shut down by the government. I think our research is correct on this.

This is the first time in the history of the country that a commission of inquiry has been closed down before it finished its work. It is profoundly undemocratic and it set a very dangerous precedent for the future.

I want to remind members opposite of just how valuable commissions of inquiry and royal commissions have been in the nation's history. In the 1930s, for example, the Rowell-Sirois commission looked deeply into federal-provincial relations in this country. That commission did groundbreaking work and its recommendations set the stage for a social contract that vastly improved life for millions of Canadians. This was extremely important to people in the province of Saskatchewan, where I come from, who had been ravaged by the depression.

The Rowell-Sirois commission was an embarrassment to the federal government of the day because Ottawa had been sitting back and appeared content to continue to sit back and allow Canadians to suffer through that horrible depression. The royal commissioners had a very different idea and outlined it. As I said, it was an embarrassment to the government but it certainly did not move to shut down the commission.

What the Liberals did in this present context in snuffing out Somalia was self-serving and undemocratic. In political terms the issues here are arrogance and accountability. The Liberals believe they were born to govern and think they can do almost anything and get away with it. They paid for this arrogance, however, in the last election. Despite pre-election polls that indicated that it was going to be a cakewalk, they only won a narrow majority and only one seat in the province of Saskatchewan. They should be asking themselves why this happened.

This arrogant and unaccountable government has to be contained. It is for this reason that I support the motion of the hon. member for Berthier—Montcalm which states the government should obtain the consent of two-thirds of the members of the House before revoking the mandate of an inquiry commission.

I want to remark on the hon. member's choice of the 66% figure. Government appoints a royal commission or commission of inquiry for a reason. Once appointed the commission should remain free of interference and be able to complete its work.

This private member's bill states that it should take more than a simple majority vote to shut a commission down. For this reason I support the 66% figure used by the hon. member. I also add parenthetically that a 66% vote would also make a good deal of sense when we talk about certain referenda in this country that could eventually break it up.

For the moment I will contain my thoughts on that and simply say that I support the hon. member's motion regarding commissions of inquiry and congratulate him for bringing it forward today.

Canada Marine Act December 5th, 1997

Yes, Mr. Speaker.

Canada Marine Act December 5th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to take part in the debate on behalf of the New Democratic Party caucus.

In the time available I will focus on five areas of concern that we have with respect to Bill C-9. The number one issue is the loss of a nationally integrated and coherent port and transportation system. We are also concerned about the policing of the new ports, the privatization of them, the funding and capital expenditures required, and the superannuation plan.

Before I deal with those areas, however, I was interested in the earlier comments of the Minister of Transport today when he addressed the Chamber on Bill C-9. He acknowledged the help members of the standing committee had been in this area. Then I heard the member for Cypress Hills—Grassland lamenting that none of the opposition amendments had been accepted.

Prior to that statement I was going to encourage the minister responsible for transportation to have a word with his colleague, the minister responsible for the Canadian Wheat Board, because we certainly had that kind of treatment when that bill was before the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Agri-Food.

As a new member of the House I agree with the member for Cypress Hills—Grassland that committees to date have been a joke. I encourage members on the government side to see if we could not make them more meaningful in the near future.

The New Democratic Party is opposed to Bill C-9 for different reasons. I take the opportunity today to raise some of the concerns we have with the marine act. As I indicated, I want to turn first to the nationally integrated and coherent port and transportation system.

Our concern is that Bill C-9 will create a patchwork of privately run ports. With new mandates oriented to financial self-sufficiency, it is unlikely these ports will form an integral part of a coherent national strategy for meeting our transportation and regional development needs. Instead we will have a set of local activities unlinked to a national vision or plan.

I remind members of the House of what the member for Regina—Lumsden—Lake Centre was saying on this subject earlier this week. Canada is the only country in the OECD that seems not to have a national transportation vision for the near future. Ultimately the proposed privatization will have negative implications for many people presently working in the port system and the maritime industry generally.

Despite assurances from the government about job security it seems likely that as a new strictly commercial oriented management approach is brought in, jobs will be lost within the longshore and among the administrative workers who presently work within the Canada Ports Corporation. We see similar examples with the alternate service delivery in the military, this rush to privatization the government is exhibiting time after time.

There is evidence from numerous other sectors that short term financial considerations will inevitably prevail over the preservation of jobs and the maintenance of fair working conditions.

As productivity and throughput considerations become more dominant the question is who will look out for the welfare of the staff remaining in the service of the ports organization. Cuts to any workforce inevitably place additional pressures on the remaining staff. The added stress this creates is often reflected in increasing numbers of industrial accidents. There is nothing in the legislation to address this potential problem and concern.

On the item of policing of the new ports, the proposal to remove the port police from the newly created entity seems to us to be a most unwise step. Private security firms are not peace officers and traditionally do not enjoy the same range of powers enjoyed by the police.

It is likely that drug smuggling, which is already a significant problem and growing, will not be curtailed in any way and could well increase as a result of this legislation.

In fact, I want to remind the House of what the president of the Canadian Police Association was quoted as saying earlier this year. Neal Jessop said that abolishing Canada's port police will open the floodgates to the smuggling of drugs, guns and other contraband by organized crime. What passes through the ports, Mr. Jessop said, will end up on the streets of our towns and cities coast to coast to coast. What he did not add but which needs to be added is that will incur additional policing costs and personal tragedies as a result of that.

This government's privatization of our national ports and disbanding Canada Ports police will be a serious blow to the fight against organized crime in this country. This government's actions have resulted, we think, in a serious setback in the efforts to control and stop organized crime activities.

It is a well known fact in the law enforcement community that organized crime and gang activity are thriving in our ports. The result of the federal government's disbanding of the ports police and privatization will open the doors for an increase in the destructive activities, as I noted, drug trafficking, weapons trafficking, auto theft and liquor and tobacco smuggling.

The Canada Ports police was created almost 30 years ago in 1968 and represented a highly specialized and dedicated police force with skills and powers specifically designed to combat organized crime, smuggling and gang activities.

Other jurisdictions, the United States being one example but there are many others, have experimented with similar privatization schemes for their ports and have had to re-evaluate their actions in the face of increases in criminal activities in those other countries and to reinstate specialized port police and take back control of the ports.

We note that with this bill Canada is going in a very different and, we would submit, wrong headed direction in this regard. It is noteworthy that numerous case files and ongoing investigations into organized crime and gang activities were either halted or compromised with the removal of the Canada Ports police from the Vancouver port.

On the opposite coast, the Atlantic coast, in a few weeks the Halifax port police will be disbanded and we are sure that organized crime is waiting and marking the days on its calendar until that disbandment occurs.

In other words, with the privatization of our national ports, this government is putting out the welcome sign for gangs and organized crime and putting our communities and citizens at risk.

With regard to the privatization of ports consistent with the withdrawal of federal presence from other matters of concern to coastal residents, the privatization fits into an ongoing pattern where we are seeing this government withdraw from a host of activities and functions vital to the well-being of communities and here we are concerned about coastal communities.

Cutbacks to the coast guard, search and rescue capacity, the automation of lighthouses were the forerunner and backdrop to the port privatization. There are estimated to be approximately 500 public ports and harbours in Canada and it is safe to assume that communities with ports smaller than those of Vancouver, Halifax and Montreal will feel the brunt of this legislation.

The question that needs to be asked is why is the Liberal government turning its back on the legitimate needs of our smaller coastal communities.

In dealing with funding and capital expenditures, the bill fails to provide for the capital financing required to construct new port facilities at some future date. The submission of the Halifax Port Development Commission is highly instructive on this point and worth quoting:

The funding needed for construction of major port facilities can only be arranged in part, if at all, in the private sector. No private sector lender or investor can advance the bulk of such funding against user commitments which may or may not materialize when the facilities are completed, and if they do not materialize, may or may not continue until the funding has been repaid. Under such a scenario, funding can only come from governments which have the necessary financial resources and can justify, in the interests of promoting the economy of their constituents, the assumption of the attendant commercial risk.

Had Bill C-9 been in effect in the late 1960s, Halifax would never have been able to build and equip even one container berth and the harbour would long ago have fallen into disuse.

Should these ports be privatized, will they be required to disclose their capital expenditure plans for local community input and review? The kind of secrecy that normally shrouds the investment activities of private companies must not be allowed to prevail within the ports where a range of public groups has a vital stake in the financial posture of them. Why has the government not chosen to make mandated public disclosure of financial plans a precondition for the transfer of the ports into the private sector?

I want to turn now to superannuation because the first version of this bill did not include the continuance of the pension plan for ports employees once the port is transferred.

Our caucus brought forward an amendment at committee stage which called for the continuance of the superannuation. The ports employees have belonged to that system for decades now and they have been devoted to achieving the success which the ports have had over the years. It would be most unfair for these employees to lose their pension benefits.

Those employees who planned their retirement based on that plan should have had the opportunity to continue with the plan. However, unfortunately our motion was defeated. A member of the Bloc introduced a similar motion at report stage, one which we were pleased to support, but again it was defeated. Then the Liberals introduced a motion for comparable employee benefits. Naturally it passed. It is certainly better than nothing, but we wanted it to go further, as did the Bloc, to protect employee benefits.

These are the major concerns we have with the bill, the failure of the nationally integrated and coherent port, the policing aspect of the new ports, the privatization of them, the concern about funding and capital expenditure, and the superannuation plan for long service employees at the ports.

As a result of the deficiencies which we find in the bill, we will be voting against it. We believe that Canada needs a nationally integrated transportation system and it will not be possible with privatized ports.

Privilege December 5th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I was in the House yesterday when the Speaker spoke and I want to disagree entirely with the remarks by the member for Elk Island.

What I heard the Speaker say yesterday was that the matter was closed for today but that he intended to review the tape and the blues of the remarks passed between the two combatants, as it were, in this case and that he was going to come back with a ruling.

This case is far from closed and should not be closed. But we will await the ruling of the Speaker on this.

I want to associate myself with the remarks from the Liberal colleague opposite.

National Defence December 5th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Defence.

The minister will be aware that the failure to achieve financial targets in 1994 and 1995 has resulted in some last minute decisions to cut back. It is the government's version of the last minute club and it is civilians that are getting clubbed.

Why will the minister not confirm today that 3,800 additional positions in clerical, communications, logistics and engineering categories are being chopped at camps Gagetown, Borden, Wainwright, Shilo and Montreal?

National Defence December 4th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, the government has been dithering for months and even years on the helicopter question and endangering people's lives in the process.

The latest example was at Hibernia last Sunday when 107 folks had to be evacuated off the rig. They could not use the search and rescue planes out of Halifax. They used leased helicopters.

My question is for the Minister of National Defence. When is the minister and the government going to make an announcement about replacement helicopters? Can he assure us that the process he is using will be both fair and transparent?