House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was provinces.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Canadian Alliance MP for South Surrey—White Rock—Langley (B.C.)

Won her last election, in 2000, with 60% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Correctional Service Canada March 20th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, last Friday, CBC Newsworld broadcast a segment on Fernand Auger. We heard about Auger picking up a 14-year old prostitute in Toronto 10 years ago, putting a gun to her head, threatening to kill her and then raping and sodomizing her.

The program then had an employee of Correctional Service Canada state that Auger's convictions were not viewed as being violent because the victims were prostitutes and this implied a level of consent.

My question is for the Solicitor General. Are these comments reflective of the position of Correctional Service Canada and this government?

Petitions March 17th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I have a third petition which is perhaps a little after the fact.

These petitioners pray and request that Parliament reduce government spending instead of increasing taxes and implement a taxpayer protection act to limit federal government spending.

Petitions March 17th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to add another 385 names to the hundreds of thousands of other petitioners who have asked that Parliament not pass Bill C-41 with section 718.2 as presently written and not to include the undefined phrase, sexual orientation. The behaviour people engage in does not warrant special consideration in Canadian law.

Mr. Speaker, I have another petition where the petitioners call on Parliament to oppose any amendment to the Canadian Human Rights Act or the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms which provide for the inclusion of the phrase sexual orientation.

The Budget March 14th, 1995

With sun glasses on.

The Budget March 14th, 1995

I thank the hon. member for the opportunity to remind the government when it talks about making smaller cuts that what it is talking about is increasing the interest payments in the year 1997 to $50 billion. When the government is spending $50 billion on interest payments it means there will be less money to spend on social programming.

The only alternative the government has is to take the long term approach by taking short term pain by making the cuts now, making sure that interest payments do not escalate to the level they will be escalating.

The Budget March 14th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, we are being faced with our constituents who are trying to find out what there is in the future for them, what they can be planning for.

With the concern of health cuts and what not, the situation is that the provincial governments are having to reduce services because they are unable to go to the people with user fees and whatever to provide the same level of services. The concern is that the government promised that those services would be maintained yet in this budget the government is reducing its equalization or transfer payments to the provinces for those issues.

Constituents hear the government telling them one thing and see the government doing something completely different. There is concern and very much uncertainty out there.

The Budget March 14th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the Reform Party will be splitting its time.

As this House debates the budget we are discussing the very future of this country. We have already mortgaged our children's future. They will not be paying for their own social programs. They will be paying for ours.

How can government members sit here so smugly knowing that during the course of this Parliament the amount of money that we will have to make in interest payments will increase from $38 billion to over $50 billion? This increase of over 30 per cent is an additional burden that will continue to grow. Billions fewer dollars will be available for social programs and government operations.

The government says this is good. Liberal members say it is all right that one-third of government spending is for yesterday's programs. They claim they are at least slowing down the rate of growth of interest payments. I do not see how it can be considered much of a consolation knowing that the country is going bankrupt at a slower rate.

All this budget does is delay the inevitable. The fact that this budget was viewed as tough is not so much a compliment to this budget, rather it is a scathing indictment of previous budgets. If previous finance ministers had been sufficiently courageous to make the necessary cuts in the past, by today's standards those cuts would have been insignificant. Because they chose not to make those required cuts, today we have to cut deeper.

The current Minister of Finance is now faced with tougher choices. He could have and should have made the rights ones. Short term pain for long term gain. Instead he took the more masochistic route of a little pain this year and even more pain in the following years.

The latest budget alludes to some of the changes that are coming but it does not have the courage to address the problems in detail, head on.

The city of White Rock in my constituency has one of the largest concentrations of seniors in the country. Almost one-third of the population is over 65 years of age. The budget tells Canadians the government will be releasing a paper later this year with changes required to the old age security and guaranteed income supplement programs to ensure their affordability. These changes are to take effect in 1997.

The budget documents make it clear that significant changes are coming. While it promises undiminished protection for all seniors who are less well off, it gives us no numbers. What does this government consider to be well off? Is it $15,000, $20,000 or $25,000?

The Minister of Finance criticized the Reform Party for our taxpayers' budget which stated we would reduce the money paid to seniors by $3 billion. The minister stated this would affect all seniors earning more than $11,000. When we include OAS, GIS and the Canada pension plan and the fact the government pays out $34 billion a year to seniors, $3 billion accounts for only 8.7 per cent of this total.

Is this Minister of Finance suggesting that 91 per cent of Canadian seniors earn less than $11,000? Maybe the $11,000

figure popped into the minister's head because that is the figure he is contemplating in the Liberals' plan.

We also note the government's plan to reform the provision of old age security benefits on the basis of family income. What a great idea. If the government had been listening it would have realized the Reform Party made that a part of its zero in three package over two years ago. Reformers recognized the unfairness of the existing system at that time. Unfortunately it has taken the Liberals two years to recognize a good idea. Now it will take them another two years to act on it.

At this rate by 1997 the Liberals will realize the value of our 1995 taxpayers' budget. However, we will not have to worry about their waiting another two years to act on it because by then Canadian voters will have unburdened them of the challenges of providing the country with fiscal leadership.

In defending the budget the Minister of Finance frequently commented on his belief of addressing matters with short term goals. This philosophy of short term goals also appears to include short sightedness.

There is no better example of this than the impending crisis with the Canada pension plan. We have heard the plan will be bankrupt within 20 years unless rates are doubled. The budget states that in 35 years rates will almost have to triple.

In order to deal with this impending crisis the budget says that the government should-actually the budget does not say anything. It appears this is too far in the future for the government to be concerned. Besides, why should cabinet members be concerned about the Canada pension plan when they have protected themselves with their own gold plated pension plan?

What does this impending crisis in the CPP mean to the average Canadian? For salaried employees who make approximately $35,000, this means their contributions will have to jump from $850 a year to almost $2,500 a year. Every employee will have $140 less each month to spend.

However, it is not just the employees who will suffer, but the small business person as well. A small business that employs 10 employees who each make about $35,000 a year will have to come up with an additional $16,000 a year in premiums. For a lot of small businesses I would suggest this is a significant portion of the profit margin.

The time to act on the problems with the Canada pension plan, old age security and guaranteed income supplement is now. Those people who are entering the job market today are the ones who will have to deal with the pension crisis in the year 2030. It is incumbent upon us to give them some idea of what they can expect for a pension and give them the opportunity to plan their lives accordingly.

We know the system has to change. We know there has to be more individual responsibility for looking after one's retirement. Let us be honest with Canadians today and develop guidelines for them to plan for themselves in an appropriate manner.

More important, let us show Canadians some leadership and get rid of gold plated MPs pensions. If this government has moved as far as it intends to move on MPs pensions, that is okay too. My colleagues and I are not too concerned about fighting the next election with the slogan: Liberals say the only way to get rid of the obscene MP pension plan is to vote Reform.

I have a word of caution for those MPs who think they have it made because after the next election they will be collecting their pensions. A Reform government would make any changes in the new MP pension plan retroactive.

As the baby boom generation approaches the pension years, it is absolutely necessary for us to get Canada's pension plans in order. Forget short term objectives. Think long range. As we continue to debate this budget we cannot think of today. We have to think of our children and their children who will be paying for our largesse.

It is extremely unfair for our generation to ask future generations to pay our bills. The bottom line is simple. If our social programs are worth preserving, then they are worth paying for. It is a disgrace that the largest expenditure in the federal budget is interest payments.

While the self-deluded government congratulates itself for a booming economy it is criminal that during a period of rapid growth the percentage of the budget that is consumed by interest payments will increase from 25 per cent to almost 33 per cent. This is the same error made by the previous Tory regime. In the boom years of the late 1980s it failed to bring the debt and deficit under control. When the business cycle took a downturn the deficit skyrocketed.

What is this government going to do when the economy hits the down cycle? The Liberal strategy of maintaining the status quo will lead to economic disaster. The government has taken a small step in the right direction. Unfortunately what was needed was an Olympic distance long jump.

I found it somewhat amusing when the Minister of Finance announced during his budget speech that he was bringing in the fourth largest deficit in Canadian history and his party gave him a standing ovation. What would number one have brought him, cartwheels in the aisles?

There is nothing to be proud of in this budget. Are the Liberals really proud of the fact that we now spend more money in

servicing the debt than we do in transfers to individuals for social programs? Do they really think this is a good thing?

What about our borrowing habits? Are the Liberals really happy that foreigners own over $300 billion of Canadian debt? Think about it. With this latest budget Canadians will be paying more money out of this country each and every year to our foreign creditors to pay our interest charges than we will spend on our old age security program. Is this something to be proud of?

The solution is simple. If people do not want budgets that are tailored for Bay Street or Wall Street, get rid of the deficit so we do not have to keep going back to them for more and more. Instead, this government is intent on going back and humbly asking for a little less each year.

In summation the Liberals say the polls show that Canadians are happy with the budget. However they should look closely at the results of the Angus Reid poll where 39 per cent of Canadians felt that the level of government spending cuts were right; 43 per cent believed that the government cuts did not go far enough; and 83 per cent of Canadians are expecting further cuts.

It is time for the government to be up front with Canadians. Make the cuts that have to be made, get our budget balanced and start making inroads into our obscene debt. Our children can expect nothing less.

Petitions March 14th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure this morning to present a petition containing 5,703 signatures from the lower mainland.

There has been great concern not only in my constituency and my area but across Canada for dangerous offenders walking our streets. These petitioners are asking Parliament to enact legislation against serious personal injury crimes being committed by high risk offenders by permitting the use of post sentence detention orders and specifically by passing Bill C-240.

It is my honour to present this on behalf of my petitioners.

Firearms Act March 13th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I will continue my comments on Bill C-68 concerning the inclusion of replica firearms in this bill and whether it will solve the problem. Unfortunately it does not. It is just a small step in the right direction.

Someone who uses a replica firearm during the commission of an offence will now be subject to the minimum one-year consecutive sentence. In reality, this will generally be the maximum sentence as well. It is a good first move but unfortunately that is as far as this bill goes in addressing the situation.

For serious violent offences where a firearm is likely to be used such as robbery, hostage taking or sexual assault with a weapon, to get the new minimum sentence of four years the crown will still have to prove that the object used was a firearm.

In the case of a robbery there will be a witness who saw the criminal waving an object that looked like a firearm. Security cameras will show the criminal waving an object that looks like a firearm. However, unless the firearm is fired or the offender is immediately arrested, there will not be any convictions under this section. In the majority of instances the crown will still be faced with the impossible task of proving that the object met the legal definition of a firearm.

In reality, C-68 will mean that criminals who pull off robberies with real firearms will likely only get an additional one-year sentence for possession of a replica firearm during the commission of an offence as the criminal will claim the object he used was only a replica and the crown will not be able to prove otherwise. This is simply not good enough.

A second aspect of this bill that the Liberals are giving a great deal of acclaim to is the new minimum sentence of four years for any of 10 specific violent offences with a firearm.

My private member's bill called for a minimum sentence for using a firearm during the commission of an offence to be raised to five years. This sentence was to run consecutively to the sentence for the actual crime. Therefore, I suppose those of us calling for a greater minimum sentence should be happy with the minimum of four years.

In all honesty I would be satisfied if the government had introduced a minimum four-year sentence for using a firearm during the commission of an offence if this sentence had been consecutive to any sentence for the actual offence. However, this is not what the government has done. Instead it has created a combined minimum sentence of four years for both the crime and the use of a firearm.

What difference is this going to make? Not much. What about repeat offenders? Unlike section 85 which calls for an increased minimum sentence for repeat offences, there is no such increase for those criminals who repeat their violent crimes with firearms.

The amendments I would suggest are a joke. The minister's press release makes it sound like the government is getting tough on criminals who use firearms but in reality these changes will not result in increased sentences for those who use firearms. At best it will maintain the status quo. In some cases, the length of the sentence will likely decrease.

A four-year minimum sentence for manslaughter with a firearm is a joke, pure and simple. The average sentence for manslaughter is already four years. How is this minimum going to have any deterrent effect? It is not.

My private member's bill called for a minimum five-year sentence for the use of a firearm during the commission of an offence to be served consecutively to any sentence for the offence itself in a first offence and a minimum of 10 years for a second offence. The difference is very simple. Under Bill C-68 a first time armed robber will more likely serve a four-year sentence which is a decrease from the current going rate of five years. Under my bill a first time robber using a firearm would likely serve a four-year sentence for the robbery and an additional five years for using a firearm for a total of nine years.

Which one sends a greater message of condemnation of using firearms during the commission of an offence? Which one is likely to deter criminals from using firearms during the commission of an offence?

The concern I have in separating these two parts under C-68 is that part III will be left out of the discussion. It is very important to Canadians that part III, the criminal use of firearms, be dealt with separately from the national registration.

In dealing with C-41 there have been two words that have taken over the debate: sexual orientation. I would suggest that national registration is going to take over the debate of this gun control legislation and the criminal use of firearms is going to get lost in the discussion.

It is very important that we separate those two and allow for Canadians, the committee and all parliamentarians to take a close look at what this government is suggesting for maximizing the deterrence to the criminal use of firearms.

I feel it does not go far enough. We should have ample opportunity to deal with that and not just talk about the national registration program.

Firearms Act March 13th, 1995

Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure today to be speaking to this motion to sever Bill C-68 because I think most members enjoy speaking to legislation that makes sense.

A very sensible approach would be to separate Bill C-68 so the House can thoroughly examine the two distinct segments. The section of Bill C-68 that deals with the criminal use of firearms is the only part of the bill that could have a significant effect on improving public safety.

However, this section of the bill, part III, will likely be ignored in public debate. Like many pieces of Liberal legislation there are aspects that are a step in the right direction. However like most government legislation, most of part III does not go far enough and some sections are actually regressive. Because part III has the pretence of being a step in the right direction it will be ignored as critics and supporters of the bill debate the merits of universal registration. I believe it is extremely important that the House thoroughly review part III and that is why this part and the other relevant sections of the bill must be reviewed separately from the registration section.

My Reform colleagues and I wholeheartedly agree with any legislation that would get tough with criminals who use firearms. Unfortunately this bill does not make the grade.

Last June I introduced a private member's bill C-260 that dealt with the criminal use of firearms. In that bill I called for the inclusion of replica firearms in section 85 of the Criminal Code. I did this because crown counsels had informed me that one of the reasons that so few section 85 charges went forward was because it is so difficult to prove that the object that was used in a crime was actually a firearm. The way the legislation has been written the crown had to prove that the object that looked like a firearm was actually a firearm.

Unless the firearm was fired during the commission of the offence or unless the criminal was arrested at the scene of a crime or immediately after in possession of a firearm it was unlikely that a conviction could be won. There was no other way the crown could prove that the object that looked like a firearm actually met the legal definitions of a firearm. Since the crown could not prove that it met the legal definition of a firearm a charge under section 85 could not be laid.

The inclusion of a replica in section 85 would fill that void. My private member's bill treated a replica the same as an actual firearm. There would be no need for the crown to prove that the object was a real firearm.

When robbery victims have what looks like a handgun shoved in their faces they are not in a position to determine if the gun was real or just a replica. The terror they felt at that moment is not mitigated if they learn later that it was just a replica. Does the inclusion of replica in Bill C-68 solve this problem? Unfortunately it does not. It is that ever so typical Liberal small step in the right direction. Someone who uses a replica firearm during-