Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Bloc MP for Beauharnois—Salaberry (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2000, with 42% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Kosovo April 27th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, the hope for a diplomatic solution through Russia appears to be fading.

This morning, in Moscow, Mr. Chernomyrdin repeated that NATO's air campaign had to stop to allow negotiations with Belgrade to get under way. As for Mr. Draskovic, he seems to have backed down from the comments he made yesterday.

In that context, I ask the Minister of Foreign Affairs if the deployment of additional forces in Macedonia, as announced by the Prime Minister, and the call up of 33,000 reservists by the United States are signs of the imminent sending of ground troops into Kosovo?

Supply April 27th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank our colleague from Regina—Qu'Appelle for sharing his Biafran experiences with us. It was very useful for this House to hear them.

Others could tell similar stories of events in Sierra Leone, southern Sudan, Iranian or Turkish Kurdistan, more tales of atrocities, rapes and crimes against humanity, which are as serious in those regions and countries as they are in others, and this is what must be of concern to us in the aftermath of this crisis. These other crises must be considered equally important and they too merit diplomatic intervention and solutions.

I like it when there are references made to the late Lester B. Pearson, for there is one thing the two of us have in common. Like the former Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs, I favour bow ties.

But my question to the hon. member for Regina—Qu'Appelle is as follows: The motion refers to United Nations participation. I would like to know exactly what the NDP members have in mind. They are, no doubt, aware that the United States appears to be behind a security council resolution at this time, which calls for the council to again get involved in this international dispute.

Is this what they had in mind or is it, first and foremost, UN participation in an international military or civilian force in Kosovo.

Supply April 27th, 1999

Madam Speaker, I thank the hon. member for Vancouver Quadra for his question.

I notice that several peace plans are pointing in the same direction. Under these proposals, the UN would play a determining role in Kosovo, during the post-crisis period. Our party supports the idea that the UN should be at the core of the solution to this crisis and that we should call on UN representatives when the time comes to establish a military force.

Also, we must not rule out the possibility of NATO member countries, and people from these countries, taking part in a UN force, or in a joint force, unless the objections raised by Russia are critical to the point that such a force must absolutely be under the control of the United Nations.

Russia must be involved in the decision that will be made. It must, because the Serbian forces and President Milosevic will have no choice but to accept a force in which Russia has agreed to take part.

But the solution to this conflict truly lies in the UN getting involved again, in a decision being made by the security council, and in a force that will act during a set period to put an end to ethnic cleansing, allow Kosovars to return to Kosovo, and ensure that the Balkans can again find peace.

There is also a German peace proposal to restore stability in the Balkans that deserves the serious consideration and the support of all the states.

Supply April 27th, 1999

Madam Speaker, first I must tell our NDP colleagues how much the Bloc Quebecois appreciates this further opportunity they are giving the House to debate and discuss the Kosovo issue.

This House will not have too many opportunities to voice its opinion, allowing each party to give its point of view on this serious crisis, which is not only threatening peace and security in the Balkans, but is also threatening or could threaten even more international peace and security.

The Bloc Quebecois and the New Democratic Party are of a same mind with regard to favouring a diplomatic approach, a diplomatic solution to the crisis which has been going on for too long in Kosovo and in this particularly hard hit area of the Balkans.

We should all want to see this conflict settled through diplomatic means, especially as we as a country and member of the United Nations are committed to settle conflicts through diplomatic means.

I would like to read for the record one of the purposes of the United Nations, the organization the New Democratic Party is referring to in today's motion. The first paragraph, article I of its charter states:

The purposes of the United Nations are:

  1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;

We should always keep in mind this important purpose, the fundamental goal of the United Nations, and its Charter, which should guide our collective actions in this area.

This is the reason why the Bloc Quebecois must support this motion from the New Democratic Party. As the hon. member for Burnaby—Douglas often mentioned in the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and in this House, and as his leader pointed out, it is a diplomatic solution that will put an end to a conflict that has already cost too many lives, including civilian lives. Any war, including non-international armed conflicts, as the Minister of Foreign Affairs likes to point out, results in deaths, mostly among the civilian population.

The Bloc Quebecois has always maintained that a diplomatic solution is to be favoured. We supported the negotiations and actions that took place within the contact group. We supported the Rambouillet negotiations. We asked this government on numerous occasions whether it was supportive of the will expressed by both sides to reach, through these negotiations, an agreement that would prevent the use of armed force.

We also insisted that the Government of Canada attach some importance to the peace plan proposed by the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, because for us, and for other parties and individuals, including many Quebeckers and Canadians, the ultimate solution to achieve peace is a diplomatic solution.

Today, the Bloc Quebecois is glad to see that efforts to negotiate a diplomatic solution are being stepped up. Today, American deputy secretary of state Strobe Talbott is negotiating with Russian special envoy Mr. Chernomyrdin. These negotiations could pave the way to a diplomatic solution.

Members of the European Union and, in particular, representatives of the Federal Republic of Germany, who will be chairing the Union for the next six months, have also focused on a negotiated and diplomatic solution, an approach that has had our whole-hearted approval.

We are also fully aware of the important role that the Minister of Foreign Affairs could play in the discussions in which he will take part on Thursday with the Russian president's special envoy and his foreign affairs minister. We wish him all the best in this worthy endeavour. It deserves the support of this House. We believe that, coupled with the other negotiations taking place, it could culminate in a proposal that could be put before the UN security council, because that is the body where the issue of how to restore peace to Kosovo must again be debated.

The security council was always the forum where a solution to this international dispute should have been negotiated. It is unfortunate that the council had to be left out of the loop, and not consulted on important decisions regarding a peaceful resolution of the dispute in Kosovo.

In our view, the solution will lie in negotiations to bring about a settlement and give the Kosovars, who have suffered too much during this conflict, a say in their own future, which was what the Rambouillet agreement set out to do.

The Serbs and their representatives will see that a people's call for autonomy cannot be ignored, that these demands must be dealt with, and not be considered inappropriate.

This was the focus of the Rambouillet negotiations, and must be the focus of negotiations at this time as well.

Moreover, our party has always believed that the use of less peaceful means to reach a peaceful and negotiated solution ought not to be excluded. We have supported the air strikes, and continue to do so, for one reason and one alone, albeit a vital one. When it is a matter of putting an end to ethnic cleansing, of preventing genocide—and we may learn in the coming weeks that there was genocide in Kosovo, although we are not in a position to know that today—and of putting an end to such crimes against humanity, the use of force cannot be excluded.

Needless to say, this use of force is not the most appropriate means of settling differences, and I trust that all the negotiations currently under way will attain this much desired settlement.

I join with the hon. member for Burnaby—Douglas in supporting a motion focusing on this aspect and also inviting Russia to take part in an international military force to ensure peace in Kosovo.

I will close with a quote from Montesquieu. I like to quote great authors on peace, war and power. In The Spirit of Laws , Montesquieu speaks of power as “an eternal experiment, and one any man with power is tempted to abuse. Power will grow until such time as it is curbed. Even virtue needs limits. If power is not to be abused, the world must be so organized that power puts a stop to power”.

In this case, political power and persuasion must put a stop to Milosevic, and freedom must be restored to the Kosovars.

Kosovo April 26th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, could the minister tell us then whether he will be promoting the German peace plan during his visit, or whether, as a NATO representative, he will be presenting a new peace plan for Kosovo and the Balkans?

Kosovo April 26th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Prime Minister announced that the Minister of Foreign Affairs would be going to Moscow to meet with the UN secretary general.

Despite what Yugoslavia's deputy prime minister said yesterday, Slobodan Milosevic himself still categorically refuses to agree to an international military force that includes any members of NATO.

Can the Minister of Foreign Affairs tell the House the precise goal of his mission to Russia, and whether he intends to persuade Russia to take part in an international military force in Kosovo?

Kosovo April 22nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, in 1991, the Prime Minister was asking for moral authority.

Now, he seems to find it easy to do without such moral authority. The House can vote on all sorts of issues, but not on the most important one, that is our participation in a war.

Why is the Prime Minister refusing to hold a vote, if not because he would be embarrassed to have a definite position that would prevent him, at the NATO meeting, from blindly following what the others will tell him to do?

Kosovo April 22nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Prime Minister said that the decision to send in Canadian ground troops had not been taken and did not need to be taken as long as NATO itself has not made a decision.

My question is for the Prime Minister. Are we to understand that the decision to send Canadian troops to Kosovo will not be made by the executive branch of the government, by the Prime Minister or by this parliament, but by the other NATO members, which would explain why the Prime Minister is refusing to hold a vote in the House on this issue?

Kosovo April 20th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, by refusing to hold a vote in the House, the Liberals are going against what they themselves demanded of the Conservative government in 1991: a vote in the House.

We are fed up with being poorly informed by this government. Does the problem not lie basically with the fact that the government is being directed by a Prime Minister, a Minister of Foreign Affairs, and a Minister of National Defence who are incapable of getting their act together, and who lack transparency?

Kosovo April 20th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, we have a problem, a real problem.

We are more familiar with the position of the United States, the United Kingdom and France than we are with that of the Government of Canada, which is seated right across the floor from us in this House.

My question is for the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Unless the government goes to Washington on Friday to receive their orders, would it not be to its advantage to gain support for its position on the German peace plan and the sending of ground forces to Kosovo with a vote in this House?