House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Liberal MP for Lac-Saint-Louis (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2000, with 74% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I have listened to the Minister of Finance several times. He has met us in various meetings. I have listened to him here in the House.

We have gone to the people of Canada during an election where we put forward our electoral platform very clearly. We set in it exactly what we were going to do. We were going to reduce the deficit to 3 per cent of GDP within three years. We are on target to do this.

We set out the various programs that we wanted to keep, the programs we wanted to maintain as a social safety net, the programs we wanted to enhance, and we have set it out in very clear language with figures backing it up.

All the various financial houses were aware of what we were trying to do. The budget is going to come down within a week. We should all wait to see what it says, what it does, what thrust and direction it takes, whether it follows in the same path as the first budget, which it will do, and whether we are on the right target.

I am convinced that once the budget is down, once the facts are known, that all the various naysayers will agree that Canada is going in the right direction and following the right path, and that certainly we are keeping to our commitments in a very credible way.

Supply February 21st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, in our electoral red book, which became the action plan of the Liberal Party during the 1993 election, we proposed a holistic way to look at government.

We proposed to the Canadian people that the basis of funding services and programs has to be money, and budgetary considerations have to be paramount. At the same time, we proposed and suggested that there are social responsibilities a government cannot avoid.

We admit that previous government administrations, including Liberal governments, have built a huge debt for which we are now responsible. We have to attack that debt, reduce it, and reduce our huge deficit. At the same time, we suggested we cannot do so at the expense of the government's responsibility to look after social programs and all the various services only a government can give.

What we proposed is the formula adopted by the European community of 3 per cent of GNP after three years, the reduction of our deficit to $25 billion. As we have said, naturally this is the first phase. We will have to go farther than this. We are all conscious of that. At the same time however, we are convinced that we cannot do so at the expense of our basic fundamental responsibilities as a government.

My colleague from Vaudreuil put it very well. In all the equations, in all the formulas about deficit and debt reduction, people have to come first. People have to be the priority.

The basic argument we have with the Reform Party is not that we should attack the deficit and the debt, but how we should do it and the timeframe in which we should do it. Reform's formula is an instant formula: make the deficit disappear to zero within three years. Ours is gradual. Ours says we will reach an important target. It will take tremendous sacrifices on the part of Canadians as the budget will show next week. At the same time, we feel it is the only way to avoid the pitfall of sacrificing the services and social safety net that Canadians depend on.

I was struck by the budget presented by the Reform Party. There are all kinds of footnotes and references to economists, chambers of commerce, and institutes of actuaries in Canada. All the references, perhaps bar one, are of an economic nature. I have not seen any references to books, to social activists, to social reformists, or to community groups that might present ideas. I have not seen any references to an environmental network that might also have a say in how the affairs of a country are run. It is purely a budget relating to dollars and cents, added up and subtracted as if people do not count, as if people do not exist.

For example, there is a reference in the Reform Party's budget to the U.S. economy which has produced consistently less unemployment than Canada since the 1970s. One thing that is not pointed out which is pretty obvious to me is that the U.S. market contains a population of 260 million. It is a huge internal market whereas ours has barely 30 million people. The U.S. market and the U.S. economy are huge compared to ours, 10 times the size of ours.

At the same time the point the famous Reform budget does not make is that if the U.S. has a lower rate of unemployment, maybe it could also say that the U.S. has a lower rate of interest. What is not said is that every year, 30 million U.S. citizens go without proper health care because there is no universal health care in the United States.

We can compare countries, but if we are to make a fair comparison, we have to do it on a holistic and comprehensive basis. We do not select only the bits that are suited for our own arguments.

The Reform budget talks about Ireland and Denmark, but I noticed that it does not mention New Zealand, the latest experiment in fast track deficit and debt reduction. The New Zealanders decided that overnight Minister Douglas was going to wipe out the deficit, so they deregulated the financial markets. They cut the taxes for corporate and upper income earners by half.

New Zealanders drastically cut public services. In one day alone they closed 75 post offices because they cost too much. They significantly reduced any infrastructure dollars given to towns and municipalities for sewers, road works and other different infrastructure projects.

The result was that unemployment went from 4 per cent to 16 per cent. They went from being a very peaceful and safe society to one which is now experiencing a lot of violent crime. Poverty rates went up 40 per cent. New Zealanders now have to pay huge user fees to use medical services. They have no universal health care any more.

The amazing part is that this huge deficit reduction curve did not help. In fact it made life even more difficult and more painful.

We are saying that yes, let us reduce the deficit and the debt but let us do so progressively, responsibly and intelligently.

It strikes me that with this simplistic approach we can have a magic kingdom with this magic formula in three years according to the Reform Party. However, this magic kingdom I read about in its report is full of little conditions. I will just quote a few of them.

In social programs, the details of such longer run reforms of the social programs still have to be worked out. Yes, Reformers still have to work out the programs.

With regard to seniors and the famous tax back in old age security, the details of such a program requires further discussion with Canadians and seniors specifically. I would hope that if they have a tax back on seniors, they will discuss the details with Canadians and seniors specifically. Obviously they have not or otherwise they would not write it as such.

In regard to seniors, the Reform Party says: "We should abolish retirement at age 65". I was part of a commission when I was in the Government of Quebec. One minister at the time when I was in opposition decided overnight to lift the retirement age at age 65. I remember questioning him as to whether he had actuarial figures to show what the impact of this was going to be. I asked him if he had any studies to show what the impact was going to be on young people who would not get a chance to be employed if there was no retirement of seniors.

However, in the magic kingdom we just do this and retirement no longer happens at 65, regardless of the consequences to younger people who want to find a slot. I have a young daughter who is a teacher. In the first few years of her teaching life she cannot find a job because people do not retire at the top. However, Reform will do this and suddenly the magic has happened. Before proposing anything we have to know all our facts and figures.

On page 46 of the Reform Party's plan it says it would also investigate the possibility of equalizing UI premiums for employees and employers rather than making employers bear a

heavier payroll burden. Reformers say they will investigate and then they tell us that their figures are watertight.

Over the long term the Reform Party is investigating a number of options for the renewal of Canada's UI system. Reformers are still investigating a number of options for renewal of Canada's UI system yet they tell us with so much cockiness and assurance: "Oh yes, we are going to wipe that deficit to zero by a great magic. You can't but we can".

Reformers talk about the principles of social reform. The principles of social reform are to have families look after themselves. They want to put the accent on families. I am for that 100 per cent because I am a family man. Let us empower people in communities and I am with that too.

In the simplistic way of looking at things, once Reformers have looked after families, once they have looked after empowerment, once they decide to only take care of the needy-they do not explain who the needy are, the needy according to the Reformers, I wonder who the real needy are according to them-then everything else will take care of itself.

I will give my own personal experience. I have a retarded son. For 20 years or so, I have worked in community groups relating to the intellectually handicapped. We built schools, we built pre-schools. We started with volunteer groups trying to get out of the glue, trying to raise funds by selling bricks for schools, holding lotteries and fund raising events. Eventually it was only through government programs that we were able to set up a proper network which gave the services that eventually enabled the intellectually handicapped to find a place in the sun, to integrate into society.

Perhaps what the Reform Party does not want to accept is that we are an evolving society. Twenty or 30 years ago my son would have been kept hidden behind the bushes somewhere, but today people evolve. We have autistic children, we have severely handicapped children that go to schools because we have given them the means through expert help of finding a way to better themselves, to enhance their own personalities, their own beings.

Members of the Reform Party ignore the evolution of society. They think it is a static society. They talk about seniors as if we have a static group of seniors, whereas aging in Canada is happening at a rate which is exponential: to date something like 12 per cent of the population in some areas, and tomorrow it is going to be 18 to 20 per cent. They do not provide for that. All the figures are static. We are going to make seniors carry on, working beyond 65. We will have a tax back on old age security and somehow we are going to retrieve all this money and the $17 billion that is left we are going to distribute very evenly among all those that need it without saying how this criteria is going to be built.

They do not talk about what is happening in a society that is fast evolving with problems that are immense. We never knew Alzheimer's 20 years ago. We never knew the tremendous rate of cancer in society, of AIDS. We have all sorts of fantastic problems to face today. They are so complex and require so much money, require expert services, that private institutions cannot give them. Only government can give them because only government has that responsibility to the people who need it most. Whether we like it or not, the private world is geared to profit motives mostly.

What they do not say in their document which we say in our red book is that to all the problems of society, whether they be financial, whether they be educational, whether they be illiteracy, whether they be a social dysfunction in families, have root causes. We have to address the root causes of them.

I do not see anything in their budget that addresses the root causes. It is strictly an economic document that talks about dollars and cents, that balances columns, that adds up and subtracts and arrives at $25 billion; $15 billion that they will take out of security and social systems and $10 billion in government operations and that will cure the world.

If they say it is only the Liberals that are crazy, that do not see their great magic, I will read to them that some critics from outside feel differently. "With this $25 billion in cuts to annual federal spending the deficit indeed will soon stand at nothing. So too might the country. It is here that Reform's proposals fall short. It is one thing to present some specific solutions, which the party has done, but it is another to set out the consequences, which the party has not done". That was written by the Edmonton Journal from the province from which many of them come.

It says in the Ottawa Citizen on November 29, 1994: ``The Reform Party does not know what impact the deep spending cuts that it is proposing will have on the economy or on individuals, party finance critic Ray Speaker conceded on Monday''.

In another editorial it states: "If you picture government spending as a runaway bicycle the Reform would jam a stick in the front spokes. It gets the job done but odds are that you will not recognize the face of the nation afterwards, nor would you want to look". That is the Ottawa Citizen .

"Reform Party's Preston Manning's shrill call for absolutely no tax increase sounds simplistic and irresponsible. The Liberals seem ready to chart a realistic course of how to get out of debt city and on to recovery road. It certainly beats the Reform

Party's slash and burn shortcuts which would take Canada nowhere fast". That is from the Montreal Gazette .

Then the Calgary Herald : ``Reform, for its part, would rapidly slash federal government spending so as to create a fiscal balance while creating a huge social deficit in the form of greater unemployment and social polarization''.

I challenge Reformers to show us how they really arrive at zero deficit in three years without raising taxes. Remember, if they do not raise taxes and suddenly cut everything in sight, they arrive at zero deficit. Then in their magic kingdom, empowerment, family life, giving the community the responsibility to administer all this, suddenly everything will come right.

The amazing part is that this does not take care of fishermen out of work in Newfoundland. I see that typically all the Reform members come from western Canada. I do not know if many of them travel to Newfoundland, to Prince Edward Island or Nova Scotia or New Brunswick or Quebec, or the Gaspé coast where thousands of people are out of work, where unemployment insurance is not something that people want to have because they feel good about it, but because it is needed for them to sustain a dignified living, to try to look for some other way to recycle themselves while they have no work.

Fortunately, sadly, these responsibilities cannot be passed on to somebody else. They have to be the responsibility of governments. Governments have to continue to be involved, to be responsible.

I believe that our budget approach of reducing the budget gradually to the point of 3 per cent of GNP by the next fiscal budget is a responsible approach. Then we go on to reducing it further.

In the meanwhile, the pain, the hurdles will be formidable enough as they are. Canadians are being asked to make tremendous sacrifices already. I believe their sacrifices will be worth it but certainly we should not ask them for more and the magic kingdom of the Reform is for naught.

Endangered Species February 20th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, Canada is approaching the Convention in International Trade in Endangered Species in three ways.

First, in training, we are conducting workshops presently in western Canada addressed to the RCMP, addressed to the customs officers, Agriculture Canada and also provincial natural resource officers to let them know about the convention, what it covers, what Canada's commitments are, identifying the endangered species which, as my colleague stated, are 48,000 in number.

Second, we are conducting an information campaign geared to travellers to advise them about endangered species so that they will make proper purchases. If there is no market for endangered species, then there is no business for poachers and traffickers in endangered species.

Finally, in the spring-

Firearms Act February 16th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I said it would save lives. If it saves just one life it would be worth it. They never talk about life over there. They talk about guns. They do not talk about human life. That is really what this bill is about.

The member makes the point that the registration of handguns has been in place since 1934 and it still permits criminals to use handguns. What would happen if there was no registration of handguns? Would there not be more crime?

If the registration system needs improving, then let us improve it. Today we have computers, all kinds of technical means to ensure that a registration system is far better than the one that was set up many years ago. This is the opportunity to do it. We have the technological means to set up a proper registration system. It will take time but the minister has allowed for that in the bill. Once it is set up it will be a modern, up to date registration system which may filter into the communities and which hopefully will involve the community at large, the grassroots. It will be far better than the system we now have, which is no system.

If the handgun registration system is not perfect, then let us perfect it. But at least it is a step toward caution, toward saving lives.

Firearms Act February 16th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I was really interested in hearing the hon. member before question period when he contrasted the styles of the Minister of Justice who spoke in calm tones and mine with very passionate, emotional tones.

In this party we are individuals. We have different styles, different ways of expressing ourselves, different points of view sometimes. That is what makes a democratic party. I do not see why we should not speak with passion. I feel very passionately about this issue. I feel passionately about it because guns kill. They cause death and injury. We should do whatever we can to be on the side of caution. That is what Bill C-68 is all about.

I would remind the hon. member that there are an estimated five million rifles and shotguns in Canada. Nobody knows who owns them. Over the past 20 years 62,000 guns have been stolen and not recovered. Over 3,000 a year are lost and nobody knows where they are.

A registration system makes it easier for police control, for people in charge of legal control to trace possessions. This is why we register cars and boats. When they get stolen or burglarized people can trace them.

Today the Reform Party is challenging us to prove without any fear of contradiction, with 100 per cent certainty, that registration will be watertight or statistically proven. We have suggested that there is a whole body of opinion relating to crime. The police chiefs association, the Canadian Association of Police, the Canadian Bar Association, the Canadian Crime Association all tell us that registration will have an impact on at least controlling the guns that flow across the borders unregistered, unknown.

Surely it is worse, the precautionary principle. Where is common sense? Where is the fact that we should use caution when it comes to lives? The onus should be on us to show we have taken every possible action to ensure life is protected.

If registration would save one life-according to all the experts it will save many lives-then of course registration is possible. We have a duty as a government to do it. Bill C-68 is awaited by a great majority of Canadians. Eighty-eight per cent of Canadians in the Angus Reid poll say they are for registration, including a majority all across Canada. In some provinces it is up to 95 per cent, in another, 69 per cent. Every western province is for it.

Therefore, Bill C-68 is a big step forward. It is a reflection of what the majority of Canadians want. I am very pleased it is here. I will support it with great conviction.

Firearms Act February 16th, 1995

At least they should show courtesy. If they do not agree, they should show courtesy. We listen to them. We do not agree with them, but we listen.

At the last biennial convention of the Liberal Party in May 1994 the women's commission of the Liberal Party presented a resolution asking for tighter gun control laws in Canada. I felt very privileged to be asked to second that motion which was adopted by unanimous vote of our party then. That same day the

Prime Minister in his address at the end of the convention made a very strong commitment to gun control legislation.

I would like to quote his words: "I would like to thank the women's commission in particular for having tabled an excellent resolution and strengthening firearms legislation. I believe that there is no place for firearms on our streets or playgrounds and I believe that the time has come to put even stricter measures in place to achieve this goal. I will be asking my Minister of Justice to examine your resolution very closely and to draft tough gun control legislation. I hope we have the support of all parties for this tough gun control. I know the Bloc Quebecois supports gun control and Preston Manning and the Reform Party are certainly talking a lot about crimes. I hope they will support these restrictions because tough talk is easy. What Canadians want and what we must provide is tough action".

At this point I would like to pay special tribute to the Minister of Justice. He has been patient in an exemplary fashion. He has heard. He has listened. He has crossed Canada to hear groups that were for gun control legislation and those violently opposed to gun control legislation.

He has heard not only from police chiefs but from community groups, from sports and gun clubs and any number of citizens of Canada who felt one way or another about this legislation. Eventually the time comes when decisions have to be made.

I thank him for his courage, his tenacity, his perseverance in bringing forward Bill C-68. What is more important is that he has told us time and time again that this is only part of a much broader picture, that crime prevention is not ensured by gun control legislation alone, that several measures must be taken together so that there is a reversal of attitudes in our society so that crime does not continue to be the menace it is today in our streets, in our villages and in our towns.

The whole crime prevention package is far broader than gun control legislation. It includes sentencing reform. It includes corrections and parole reform. It includes, as we have done, amendments to the Young Offenders Act. It included a Canadian crime prevention council which was launched last year.

More important, it includes broad social reform. In our red book we have tried to portray a holistic approach to society, to social reform, because unless we prevent the social causes that are the very root of crime in our society we will never eradicate crime no matter what legislation we put forward, no matter how tough the legislation, no matter how tough the jail sentences.

We have to reverse attitudes, create a new type of society in which we eradicate the root causes of crime: poverty, lack of education, lack of opportunity. This is what we are doing to approach social questions in a holistic fashion so that there is not only the tough legislation on gun control and crime but also the addressing of the root causes that lead to crime.

The intention of Bill C-68 is not to penalize or hinder legitimate gun owners. Not at all. In fact it recognizes the legitimate right of gun owners to use them for sport or for their livelihood. It recognizes the treaty rights for aboriginal people in Canada. At the same time it does recognize a profound reality. That reality is very simple. Guns are lethal weapons and they kill.

In fact, some of the opponents of gun control have tried to portray this as an urban versus rural debate. I suggest it is not. In fact, statistics accumulated for the period between 1980 and 1989 showed that in those 10 years there were 63 per cent more deaths by guns in towns with a population of under 5,000 than in towns with a population of over 500,000. Therefore it is not a big city versus small city problem. It is a problem of the safe handling of guns.

Guns impact especially on the lives of women. In the case of violence against women 42 per cent of all acts of murder committed on women have been done with guns. Of those guns 80 per cent of them are rifles used by their owners to batter and murder their wives.

We have to do something about this. We have to attack the problem, certainly the long term problem, by looking at the root causes of the social evils of society. At the same time we have to take short term measures to ensure that crime does not pay and that guns will not kill.

I would like now to pay a special tribute to two young women I know well-especially one of them-, Heidi Rathjen and Wendy Cukier, two young women who quit lucrative jobs. Heidi Rathjen is an engineer. She is now working almost on a volunteer basis to achieve stronger legislation on gun control. Heidi Rathjen said recently in an interview: Had we had stricter legislation, Marc Lépine and Valery Fabrikant might not have been able to do what they did. Were there even a slight chance that stronger legislation would have prevented Marc Lépine and Valery Fabrikant and all the others who committed senseless, horrible crimes from doing so, then that legislation would have been worthwhile, a thousand, a hundred thousand times over.

Michael Hogben was one of the four individuals killed by Valery Fabrikant. Michael was one of my friends. I worked very closely with him at Concordia University. We worked together on the Esther Goldenberg lectures, and it was on the eve of these lectures, which Michael was to organize, as he always had in the past, that he was killed. I remember being at the Hogben apartment with Esther Goldenberg after his funeral. I remember seeing Mrs. Hobgen there, whom I had not met before, and the two young Hobgen girls, and thinking that a scholarly person, a person with so much to give to society, not only erudite but a person of character, exceptionally high-minded, well-liked by everyone, his students and colleagues, was killed in the prime of

his life, senselessly, by someone who had managed, under existing legislation, to obtain not one but two firearms.

We must recognize that the legitimate use of firearms is acceptable, but when used maliciously, firearms can cause irreparable, irreversible damage.

How can one measure the damage of a ruined life, the nightmare experienced by the surviving family, who relive the event every day and every night, because they can never forget? This is not death due to illness, it is violent death brought about by the use of a firearm. And that is a price no society can afford.

I know the debate on firearms is heated. I know the whole question of registration is especially controversial.

[English]

Yesterday in question period and again today our friends from Reform were questioning the cost of $85 million. They saw that as being too much. One Reform member said yesterday that we should send that money to cancer research or not spend it.

I wonder if the Reform members have calculated the cost to society of a simple trial, of putting people in jail, of police control for people who have used guns. The cost is far greater not only in terms of money, but certainly in terms of life lost.

What is the value of a life? Is it $1 million, $2 million, $80 million, $85 million? I wonder how much the lives of the 14 young women killed at the polytechnique were worth. I wonder how much Michael Hogben's life was worth. They are not statistics. We do not measure their lives, their souls, their beings in monetary terms.

It seems to me that society has not only the right but a duty to make sure we take every possible step we can as legislators to try to eradicate the ills caused by guns. If registration helps, even if it is not watertight, even if there are loopholes and even if we cannot prove statistically that it will work 100 per cent of the time, if it makes committing crime more difficult, then it would be worth it and would be money spent well.

Registration will certainly improve the control of the flow of firearms across borders. It will help the police trace firearms used in crime. Moreover, it will place the responsibility on the individual himself or herself. When someone has to go through a registration process, be it for a car, a boat, or any possession, it ties a special responsibility to that person to care for that possession.

Registration will be an immense deterrent. In fact, it is no accident that a great number of community organizations, police organizations and all anti-crime community organizations and institutions are heavily in favour of registration. That includes the great majority of people in the province of Alberta where most Reform members are from. British Columbians should be proud because it is the case in B.C. as well.

If registration and gun control legislation were only to save one life, I suggest it is worth it. I know the Bloc members share our view on this and I thank them for it. On this side we hope, and are convinced, that if it saves many lives, then Bill C-68 will be a major piece of legislation. Not only will it be because it is Liberal legislation, the work of this government and this Minister of Justice, but because it is a piece of legislation that society at large needs and wants.

Today we are in the process of getting it. Once again, I pay tribute to, thank and am very grateful to the Minister of Justice for having brought this bill forward.

I hope the great majority of us here will reflect the majority view of Canadians at large, and 95 per cent of those in Quebec, who believe that gun control legislation is not only needed but it was needed yesterday. It is a great piece of legislation. It is a forward piece of legislation and I will support it with great conviction.

Firearms Act February 16th, 1995

At the last biennial-

Firearms Act February 16th, 1995

Madam Speaker, regarding the last comment by my Reform colleague, I can understand why the Reform Party will never form the government. It would be going against the wishes of 95 per cent of Canadians.

Immigration Act February 7th, 1995

Madam Speaker, unlike my hon. colleague, I did not get the chance to participate in the parliamentary committee as I am not a member. However, my colleagues who took part told me that there were numerous representations. There were representations from the Canadian Bar Association and other very credible institutions, who said that the bill was valid, that the principle of the bill was sound. This is not a stand-alone bill; it is part of a 10-year immigration reform. It must be seen as part of a whole package.

We took into account the representations made by these credible institutions and made 11 amendments. In today's context, I think that this bill makes sense. There will be a debate here in this House and I think that the bill in its present form is worth supporting. I hope that you will think it through and that we can count on your contribution and support.

Immigration Act February 7th, 1995

Madam Speaker, very briefly, I have never liked to wear Paris hats, Quebec versus Ontario, Ontario versus British Columbia. I have never been that kind of person. I am a Canadian. I believe in the Canadian state.

At the same time, fair is fair. The immigration system as it is today allows all the provinces to enter the same kinds of agreements that Quebec has entered.

There are negotiations going on now with other provinces. If a province wants to take over the immigration there are negotiations going on now with the provinces. To introduce Quebec and this other debate is not very constructive. I will not get into this game at all.

It is important to make sure that people always come first, regardless of whether they immigrate to British Columbia, Newfoundland, Quebec or Ontario.

With regard to the tone of the debate I will mention what I heard today. I heard one member speak about animals, about creeps, about creepy crawlers and I said that does not raise the tone of the debate. That detracts from it and that really makes it very unfortunate because it does not convince anybody. That is all I said.