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Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was justice.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Bloc MP for Saint-Bruno—Saint-Hubert (Québec)

Won her last election, in 2000, with 44% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Dangerous Offenders March 25th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the motion by the hon. member for Surrey-White Rock-South Langley is a reflection of the Reformers' reactionary mentality since their first day in this House. The motion we are examining today would force the government to amend the Criminal Code so as to declare all individuals convicted of sexual assault dangerous offenders.

Such an amendment would, to all intents and purposes, eliminate all crown discretion. It would oblige the attorney general of the province in which the offender was tried to direct that an application be brought, each time there was a conviction, to have the offender declared a dangerous offender. This obligation would arise each time two psychiatrists concluded that there was a likelihood of re-offending. What the hon. member is proposing amounts to letting psychiatrists usurp the roles of the prosecutor and of the judge. This is tantamount to turning the justice system totally upside down.

It is clear in the hon. member's mind that the way to eradicate the problem of violence in Canada is to overload our courts and crowd our penitentiaries. The third party is never one to propose anything innovative, nor anything with a potential for consensus among the members.

The Reform Party persists in clouding the issue by fiddling with crime statistics in order to justify their ill-advised interventions. Where the law is concerned, these hypocrites claim to be defending victims' rights, but in reality they are making political hay at the expense of the sufferings of victims of crime. Like Don Quixote jousting with windmills, these extreme rightwingers will do anything to get attention. As I said last week, demagogy has no place in criminal law.

I wonder: what is the justification for such a motion? Has there been a sudden sharp upswing in violent crime? No, on the contrary. The latest statistics available indicate the crime rate dropped by 5 per cent during 1994, the third year in a row that it has gone down.

In 1994 as well, the figures for violent crime were down 3 per cent, the greatest annual drop since 1962. In fact, without exception, all categories of violent crime were down in 1994.

There was a 10 per cent drop in sexual assaults, regardless of type. The homicide rate was the lowest recorded in the past 25 years. The combined total of homicides and attempted murders continued to account for less than one per cent of violent crimes.

In the light of these statistics, we cannot help but wonder about the seriousness of the member's motion. The existing procedure for declaring an offender dangerous works very well. I am not alone in saying so; it is the opinion of all the provincial and the federal attorneys general.

But what about the existing procedure? Section 753 of the Criminal Code allows the courts to declare an individual found guilty of a serious personal injury offence or a sexual offence a dangerous offender.

Once the accused is found guilty of one of the offences in section 752, the court hears the evidence by the crown and bases its decision on the following: demonstration of the offender's inability to restrain his behaviour; a substantial indifference on the part of the offender respecting the consequences of his acts and the behaviour of the offender associated with the offence is so brutal that normal standards of behavioral restraint would be insufficient.

The court gives its decision following conviction, but before sentencing. The court declares the offender dangerous and then imposes a sentence of detention for an indeterminate period in lieu of any other sentence. This is one of the harshest sentences a court can impose, as the offender is not automatically entitled to parole. An individual's file is then reviewed three years after conviction and every two years thereafter.

In practice it is merely a pro forma review, since, only in very rare instances do the case management officers of the National Parole Board not recommend continued detention.

My colleague has already proposed a bill whereby the whole legal proceeding would be repeated just prior to the conclusion of an individual's sentence. Clearly, the least we can say is that she is single-minded. The only question this motion raises is that of relevance.

The hon. member acknowledged herself in the House that her earlier bill applied to very few individuals. The problem posed by repeat offenders is much greater and requires solutions much broader than those proposed by my colleague.

The hon. member puts excessive emphasis on isolated cases when she claims that her motion would be the solution to this kind of problem. The fact is that her motion proposes impractical solutions and targets dangerous offenders who represent only 0.5 per cent of Canada's current inmate population in federal penitentiaries.

By the way, in 1994, Quebec only had one dangerous offender. A second one was just added to the list. The vast majority of inmates considered to be dangerous offenders are in Ontario and in western Canada. From 1985 to 1994, only one dangerous offender was paroled every year. That number always remained constant.

The difference between Quebec and the other provinces is easy to explain. For several years now, Quebec has had an effective medicolegal system in place to deal with court referrals, including dangerous offenders. The system works well and people suffering from mental disorders get adequate psychiatric treatment. All in all, the Quebec initiative is a proven solution to the problems experienced in the rest of Canada, and other provinces should have the wisdom to follow our example.

The current situation certainly does not justify an intervention as drastic as the one proposed by the hon. member. Moreover, the proposed reactionary measures are uncalled-for, because the courts already have effective tools to decide whether an offender should be declared dangerous. A judicious application of the Criminal Code would greatly alleviate the problem.

It is not enough to merely react to public opinion fuelled by gutter papers trying to improve their sales. Nor is it enough to target a very small number of individuals. The government must, in co-operation with the provinces, have a comprehensive approach to detect repeat offenders and ensure that society is better protected. The Quebec model should be followed.

One step was taken with the federal, provincial and territorial task force on violent high-risk offenders. The hon. member should carefully read the report released last year. She will find interesting suggestions and, more importantly, a more realistic picture of the current situation.

It goes without saying that, unfortunately, I will not support her motion.

Voluntary Intoxication March 22nd, 1996

Mr. Speaker, since the beginning of his mandate, the Minister of Justice has done no more than pass legislation piecemeal. Here are a few examples of this: Daviault, DNA, genital mutilation.

When will the Minister of Justice shoulder his responsibilities and propose the appropriate measures?

Voluntary Intoxication March 22nd, 1996

Mr. Speaker, does the Minister of Justice not agree that the Supreme Court has quite simply made murder more commonplace, by making it possible from now on for murderers who were intoxicated to get out of

prison earlier, because being found guilty of involuntary homicide will make them eligible for release after serving only one third of their sentences?

Voluntary Intoxication March 22nd, 1996

Mr. Speaker, yesterday the Supreme Court of Canada brought down a landmark decision concerning voluntary intoxication in murder trials, in connection with the McMaster, Robinson and Lemky cases. The judges of the highest court have decided that, in future, an accused may more easily use a state of intoxication to reduce murder charges.

Does the Minister of Justice not agree that making it easier for an accused to plead voluntary intoxication is deplorable?

Saskatchewan Francophones March 21st, 1996

Mr. Speaker, in her letter dated today, Marysa Gendron Nadeau asks the prime minister to help them, not to crush them.

In this Semaine de la Francophonie, will the prime minister have the fortitude to be consistent and to do everything he can to put a stop to the assimilation of French speaking citizens in Saskatchewan and throughout Canada?

Saskatchewan Francophones March 21st, 1996

Mr. Speaker, today, Marysa Gendron Nadeau, a student from Saskatoon, reminded the prime minister that, on January 17, 1994, he promised to protect Franco-Saskatchewanian schools.

However, his government is now about to cut by 52 p. 100 its financial support to French speaking groups in Saskatchewan, at a time when the assimilation rate reaches 67 per cent. If the prime minister does not do anything, says Marysa, he will be able to take credit for an even higher assimilation rate.

Will the prime minister commit today in this House to fulfil the promise he made to Marysa and to reconsider the indecent and insulting proposal his government made to the French speaking community in Saskatchewan?

Human Rights March 20th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I am talking about decisions already handed down, not those to come. Since the Minister of Justice always relies on the courts to make the law for him, does the Prime Minister not think that by holding up the passage of effective legislation, he is creating a category of victims that will be forced to choose between disclosing their

therapeutic records and accusing their attacker, or keeping their records confidential and dropping their complaint?

Human Rights March 20th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, in its annual report, the Canadian Human Rights Commission issues a warning with respect to a Supreme Court ruling that, under certain circumstances, persons charged with sexual assault should have the right to consult the therapeutic records of victims.

My question is for the Prime Minister. Given that the Criminal Code has already been amended to prevent accused from cross-examining victims on their sexual past, is it not appropriate to follow this up and bring in legislation making it illegal to consult the medical and therapeutic records of sexual assault victims?

Criminal Code March 19th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, our highways are often the scene of slaughter. Several thousands of people are injured in highway accidents and many of them die. Drinking and driving is a terrible thing and I condemn those who dare to get behind the wheel of a car in an impaired state. After all, drunk driving is a criminal offence.

That being said, the hon. member for Prince George-Bulkley Valley is today proposing a bill that is supposed to be a solution to the problem of drinking and driving, to the deaths caused by drunk drivers. Bill C-201 would amend the existing section 255 of the Criminal Code by providing for a minimum prison term of seven years for any person who causes the death of another person while impaired and having an alcohol reading over the legal limit. It is important to note that anyone convicted of impaired driving causing death is already liable to fourteen years' imprisonment and, in the case of criminal negligence causing death, to a life sentence.

At first glance, it would seem like a nice idea to support such a bill. However, when we look at the possible consequences of such an amendment to the Criminal Code, we are forced to conclude that this is the wrong remedy. In looking for a solution to the problem, the hon. member for Prince George-Bulkley Valley is getting dangerously close to repression.

The penalty he is proposing is typical of his party's mentality: government by force. One of the favourite phrases of the Reform Party is: "Lock them up and throw away the key!" To hear them, every day brings a new crisis. The real crisis is misinformation and it has been with us since the Reform Party was elected. Its members peddle dubious ideas about criminality in the country, doctor statistics and start people worrying. The individual cases they tell us about do not reflect the reality around us. They exploit tragic situations to score make cheap political points.

The Reform Party grabs every opportunity to get more media exposure. They feel that by taking up the time of this House, they will project the image of a party that offers pragmatic solutions to the problems of our society.

They want to restore capital punishment for adults and teenagers. They want minimum sentences for repeat offenders, whatever their offences. They want to lower the age of adolescence from 12 to 10 years. They do not want 16-year olds to have the right to vote, but they want them treated as adults should they commit an offence. There are many preposterous examples. We only have to look at the Order Paper to realize that the Reform Party is getting desperate.

I expect one of them in the near future to propose that our child care centres be turned into detention centres for prejuveniles, since early signs of delinquent behaviour can be detected in kindergarten.

Bill C-201 is a good example of their lack of vision. By incarcerating for a minimum of seven years those convicted of impaired driving causing death, Reformers think that they will eliminate the endemic problem of drunk driving. Nothing could be further from the truth. The problem of drunk driving can only be solved if all levels of government focus on prevention and education.

In this regard, it is important to point out that impaired driving offences continue to decline year after year. The number of people charged with impaired driving has been falling every year since 1985. This annual reduction is around 6 per cent. This drop is, I think, mostly attributable to the campaigns against drunk driving being waged throughout Quebec and Canada. These awareness campaigns have helped people understand that drinking and driving is socially unacceptable. It must also be noted that road checks do a lot to deter people from drinking and driving.

On the other hand, I seriously question the deterrent effect of increasing the minimum sentence. I would like to point out that a working paper prepared by the justice department on minimum penalties in general concluded that, on the whole, the public was not aware of which offences carry the minimum mandatory penalty.

The same document also shows that, as a disincentive, minimum mandatory penalties have very little impact on whether or not the offence for which a more severe penalty is considered will be committed. Robbery is a case in point. Worse yet, juries are said to be less inclined to return a guilty verdict when they know that the offence the accused is charges with carries the minimum mandatory penalty.

This means that the bill put forward by the Reform Party member will do the exact opposite of what it was intended to do. If indeed juries are less inclined to return guilty verdicts in such circumstances, they will necessarily acquit the accused, who will then be free as a bird. Ironically, in his attempt to put more people behind bars, the hon. member may end up facilitating their acquittal.

On the other hand, if convictions are secured, another serious problem will arise. Imposing a minimum mandatory penalty will make the prison population increase substantially. The hon. member seems to believe naively that detention centres will be able to accommodate this larger number of inmates. He is completely out of touch with the reality.

There is no way of knowing what impact his bill will have on the number of convictions that could result from the application of this provision. Let us not forget that a chain is only as strong as its weakest link. If the hon. member intends to increase the minimum

penalty, he can expect the prison population to increase dramatically and the present infrastructure to fail to accommodate yet more inmates. Also, any increase in prison population will involve an increase in related costs.

Will the hon. member tell this House, in all honesty, how much his bill will cost, if passed, given that, in 1992-93, the average annual cost to keep an inmate in a maximum security facility was $56,000, and $110,000 in a medium security facility.

This money should be spent wisely. If money has to be taken out of the public purse, let it be used on eduction and prevention. Especially since prevention and education always come at a lesser price, in terms of both money and lives.

In conclusion, as regards the argument that judges tend to be too lenient regarding these offences, I refer hon. members to the decision made in March 1995 by the Quebec court of appeal in the Houle vs. Regina case.

The individual pleaded guilty to charges of criminal negligence causing the death of a person, criminal negligence causing bodily harm to four people, and driving a vehicle with a blood alcohol level higher than the authorized limit.

In order to make a proper decision, Justice Delisle reviewed 158 decisions made by various courts of appeal in Canada between 1985 and 1995 regarding similar cases. He refused to reduce the sentence imposed, except to take into account the period of preventive detention. Marc-André Houle received the following concurrent sentences: five years in prison and driver's licence suspended for eight years for criminal negligence causing death; three years in prison and licence suspended for five years for criminal negligence causing bodily harm; one year in prison and licence suspended for six months for driving with a blood alcohol level higher than the authorized limit. The fact is that courts do apply the principles of sentencing with rigour. I continue to trust our courts of justice. Again, demagogy has no place in criminal law.

Tragedy At Dunblane Primary School March 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, yesterday a man named Thomas Hamilton entered a primary school in Dunblane in central Scotland armed with four guns, and killed 16 children aged 5 and 6 as well as a teacher, before killing himself. This gun enthusiast burst into a gymnasium where there were 29 children and fired off rounds in all directions for two or three minutes.

This massacre of innocent victims leaves us stunned and appalled. How can anyone cut 17 people down in cold blood? It is hard for us to come to grips with something so horrible. We are overcome with indignation.

On behalf of myself, and all of the hon. members of this House, I wish to express sincere condolences to the families of the victims, the staff of the Dunblane Primary School and the entire population of this Scottish town.