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Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was justice.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Bloc MP for Saint-Bruno—Saint-Hubert (Québec)

Won her last election, in 2000, with 44% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Justice May 29th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I am outraged at the way the Minister of Justice is dealing with the Ted Thompson issue.

This is a case of a senior official from the federal justice department interfering with the judicial process. An assistant deputy attorney general, Ted Thompson, tried to influence the Chief Justice of the federal court to speed up the proceedings of a case involving the federal Department of Justice. This is why I am outraged.

Even more disturbing is the fact that Mr. Thompson threatened to make a reference to the Supreme Court if proceedings were not accelerated. Threats were made. Given such a blatant case of undue interference on the part of one of his senior officials, we expected the Minister of Justice to take quick, energetic and decisive action. However, the minister is doing just the opposite.

First, he sets up a non public inquiry which must report at the earliest opportunity, but with no specific date set. Given the seriousness of the incident, the public has a right to quickly know all the circumstances surrounding this matter. It is unacceptable that such a serious incident be investigated behind closed doors.

The minister must pledge to release the full report of the inquiry that will be conducted by Mr. Justice Dubin, a report that will

undoubtedly condemn the action taken in this case. Let us hope that the Minister of Justice will have the decency to make the results of this report public when the House is sitting, and not at some quiet moment, as the government has unfortunately taken to doing recently.

Furthermore, it is difficult to see how the minister can fail to address in his statement the threat made by his assistant deputy minister to take a reference to the Supreme Court. It is completely unacceptable that the Department of Justice of Canada can hold this authority as a threat over courts of first instance.

The minister has a responsibility to reassure the public about the integrity of his department and to state clearly that the threat to exercise authority to take a reference to the Supreme Court is completely intolerable, and instead of trying to cover for his official, he should have expressed his disapproval and dismissed him immediately.

Of course, Mr. Thompson has decided to take leave of his position while awaiting the results of the investigation. However, the minister cannot shirk his responsibilities by hiding behind his investigation. Furthermore, he himself admits in the statement he has just made that he is answerable for the actions of his department and its officials.

In addition, before the court, lawyers from his own department admitted that Mr. Thompson had approached the chief justice. So what more is the minister waiting for? On the very face of it, it is clear that the deputy attorney general has committed a serious error that the minister must indicate his disapproval of through an immediate dismissal. This he refuses to do, instead singing the praises of Mr. Thompson in his statement.

Another fundamental point is completely absent from the justice minister's statement. Two Federal Court judges, one of them the chief justice, have demonstrated a flagrant lack of impartiality and integrity in their task as guardians of justice. In fact, instead of showing Mr. Thompson the door, the judges complied with these requests, thus violating their duty to remain neutral and impartial. The presiding judge, Mr. Justice Jerome, even had to remove himself from the case as a result of this incident.

I would remind the minister that, as he himself pointed out in his statement, responsibility for ensuring the independence of the judiciary rests with him. The two judges in this case, Chief Justice Isaac and Associate Chief Justice Jerome, have obviously not fulfilled their duty of integrity. What is the minister waiting for to refer these two cases to the Canadian Judicial Council?

In conclusion, the Bloc Quebecois is outraged by the insignificant and not very convincing actions taken by the justice minister in response to such a serious case of undue interference in the judicial system. The minister is clearly shirking his responsibilities as watchdog of the integrity of the judicial system. We are asking the minister to launch a public inquiry, to take immediate action against Mr. Thompson, and, in particular, to file complaints about the actions of the judges in this matter.

Justice May 28th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, ministers have resigned because of interference in the legal process. There are precedents.

What measures does the minister intend to take to prevent such violations of the law from reoccurring, and does he intend to report to the judicial council the overly conciliatory attitude of Chief Justice Isaac and Mr. Justice Jerome?

Justice May 28th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Justice.

Independence of the judiciary is a cornerstone of our legal system. However, in a case heard before the federal court, an assistant deputy minister from the Department of Justice, Ted Thompson, tried to influence court proceedings through a personal meeting with Chief Justice Isaac of the federal court.

How can the Minister of Justice accept that a senior official of his department would unduly interfere with the legal proceedings, in an attempt to influence the presiding judge?

Criminal Code May 14th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, the bill introduced by the hon. member for Prince George-Peace River is a bill to restore the death penalty. Under this bill, all cases of first degree murder committed by an adult would be punishable by death, while the sentence for second degree murder would remain imprisonment for life, although the terms of release would be stricter.

In addition, the Young Offenders Act would be amended to provide for a sentence not exceeding 25 years for first degree murder and not exceeding 10 years for second degree murder.

This reopens the debate on capital punishment. As you know, this issue has already been debated at great lengths in this House. Let us start by asking ourselves if new developments justify throwing back into question the existing provisions of the Criminal Code?

Has the number of murders increased in Canada? The latest statistics published by Statistics Canada in Juristat actually show a 6 per cent drop in the number of homicides in 1994, the lowest number in 25 years. The 596 reported homicides represent a 34 per cent reduction over 1993, that is to say the third consecutive reduction from one year to the next.

The lower number of homicides committed in 1994 is mainly explained by 30 fewer homicides in the greater Montreal area. That is also why the number of homicides recorded in Quebec has gone down by 33 over 1993. In the case of the other provinces, only New Brunswick and Alberta have seen an increase in their homicide rates in 1994. Murders committed with a firearm continued to account for about one third of all homicides.

On the basis of the statistics, I do not think that there are valid reasons for looking at this issue all over again. Life imprisonment with eligibility for parole after 25 years is a sufficient sentence. There is nothing to prove that capital punishment could save lives. On the other hand, the risks are greater that an innocent person could be sentenced to death. That is essentially my position.

Let us look again, if we could, at the main argument advanced in favour of capital punishment. Proponents of capital punishment think that it is a more dissuasive measure than life imprisonment.

We must, however, point out to them that for some people, such as fanatics and those acting on impulse, no sentence will be dissuasive. There was even an overall drop in the murder rate in Canada after capital punishment was abolished. Studies done to date indicate that the death sentence is no more dissuasive than the prospect of life imprisonment. The prospect of losing one's freedom for the rest of one's days is dissuasion enough.

It is through better control of firearms and alcohol consumption, greater attention to mental health, and a more effective battle against poverty and unemployment that we will cut down on the number of murders, far more than through bringing back the death penalty. There is no foundation for the belief that the death penalty will cut down on the number of murders.

Recently, in Senneville, near Montreal, a police office was killed while on duty, as he was about to arrest a driver for an infraction of the highway safety code. The murderer is still at large. Might the death penalty have prevented this tragedy? There is no reason to think so.

Still relying on data from Statistics Canada, in 1994 one police officer was killed in the line of duty, compared to two in 1993, one in 1992, and three in 1991. For the tenth year in a row, no federal or provincial correctional worker was murdered in the performance of his or her duties.

Perhaps the most valid argument against capital punishment is the risk of killing innocent people. No system can guarantee the infallibility of a ruling. There were cases in the past in which people were killed by mistake and, despite all the guarantees

provided by our modern system, the risk remains. A witness may be mistaken or lie under oath.

Our legal system is based on the credibility of witnesses. If all murderers were like Paul Bernardo and provided videotapes of their crimes, it would be different. In recent years, however, some people such as David Milgaard, Donald Marshall and Guy Paul Morin were wrongly convicted of murder. If capital punishment were still legal in this country, these three men would have been dead and buried a long time ago. The state would have become a killer without being able to correct its actions. We learned that, in the last two centuries, 343 people were wrongly convicted of murder in the U.S.

Of course, some cases, like the rape and murder of children, like the Bernardo case, are revolting. We must, however, keep in mind that not all murder cases are so shocking. It is not because of a few unusually revolting cases that we must take an extreme position that would apply to all cases of first degree murder.

Other factors such as the eventual rehabilitation of murderers argue against capital punishment. Commuting a death sentence to life imprisonment by order in council, as is proposed in the bill before us, would open the door to arbitrary decisions and would result in a loss of respect by the public for our judicial system.

The bill also proposes to give the judge who sentences a person to death the power to make a recommendation in favour of royal clemency, or to postpone the execution of the sentence for any reason and for an indefinite period. It is obvious that even the sponsor of the bill has doubts about the merits of the death sentence.

The amendments proposed by the Reform member for Prince George-Peace River also seek to amend the Young Offenders Act to impose longer sentences in the case of a murder committed by a juvenile. The bill provides for a sentence of 15 to 25 years in the case of a person convicted of first degree murder who is 16 or 17, and a sentence of 10 to 15 years in the case of person under the age of 16. The current maximum sentence is 10 years for all minors. In the case of a person convicted of second degree murder, the bill proposes a maximum sentence of 10 years and a minimum one of five years. The current act provides for a maximum sentence of seven years.

Current prison terms were just lengthened in December by this House. They better reflect the representations made to the standing committee on justice. Prevention and rehabilitation are much more effective, particularly in the case of minors, and the emphasis must be on adequate public awareness measures.

In short, I am completely against this bill, which would bring us back 20 years. I urge members of this House to do like me and to vote against this bill.

Referendums May 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, where is the government headed with its strategy, a strategy which denies democracy, while at the same time going up against its former Quebec allies on the no side?

Referendums May 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, here is my question. Is the Prime Minister aware that, by jumping into bed with Guy Bertrand, he is directly in opposition to the person who was the head of the Quebec no side during the referendum?

Referendums May 13th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Prime Minister, wherever he may be, wherever he may be hiding.

Criminal Code May 1st, 1996

moved that Bill C-217, an act to amend the Criminal Code (protection of witnesses), be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Madam Speaker, I am proud to rise today to introduce Bill C-217 in this House. The purpose of this bill is to protect any person testifying in criminal proceedings in which the accused is charged with a sexual offence or a violent crime.

Under this bill, the accused could no longer personally cross-examine witnesses. In such cases, witnesses would be examined or cross-examined by the court.

First of all, I would like to thank the members on both sides of this House who have already told me they would support my initiative. I wish to thank them all. I hope that my presentation will convince other members and that a majority in this House will feel that my bill is well founded.

Bill C-217 is a solution to the problem of accused people defending themselves. In fact, the accused can choose their own defence strategy, including defending themselves. They can then cross-examine their victims and confront them face to face. I have two examples of legal proceedings supporting my arguments.

My first example is the trial of former Concordia University professor Valery Fabrikant. That circus lasted five months, ending in August 1993. Fabrikant assumed his own defence after firing his lawyers. He was finally found guilty of murdering his four colleagues, and he is currently serving a life sentence in the Donnacona penitentiary, close to Quebec City.

The second case is that of Ferreira, whose trial took place in Montreal, last fall. This person was accused of forcible confinement and sexual aggression. As in the above-mentioned case, Agostino Ferreira assumed his own defence. He even personally cross-examined his two victims. I deplore the fact that these aberrations in our legal system were not more strongly condemned outside Quebec. I presume that a certain regionalism prevails when it comes to news items of this sort.

For example, reaction to horrible murders committed in British Columbia is not as strong in New Brunswick. To fully understand the purpose and the objectives of my bill, it is imperative to see the facts in these two legal cases that led me to propose this solution.

Here are these facts. On August 24, 1992, around 3 p.m., Valery Fabrikant, a teacher and researcher at the mechanical engineering

department, entered Sir Henry F. Hall, in Montreal's Concordia University. He was carrying three fully loaded revolvers, as well as boxes full of ammunition. He went to his office on the ninth floor with his union president, professor Michael Hogben, 52, and shot him point-blank.

He then killed in the same manner professors Ziogas, 48, Saber, 46, and Matthew Douglas, 66. He also shot secretary Elizabeth Horwood several times, 66, without managing to kill her. He then locked himself up in an office with the security guard, Daniel Martin, and Georges Abdou, who managed to disarm him when he was momentarily distracted. That is the first horror story.

On January 4, 1995, Agostino Ferreira entered a clothing store on Saint-Denis in Montreal. It was 10.30 a.m. and the store was empty. He indicated to the two young female employees that he needed their help to write a suicide note, but they did not take him seriously. In the face of this reaction, Ferreira showed them a bomb attached to his belt. He said it was powerful enough to blow up the whole neighbourhood.

He was also armed with a pistol. He calmly told the girls to get into a taxi. They were afraid that he would set off the bomb, and did what they were told. The three went to Ferreira's apartment. In a gloomy room, lit by candles, he had one of them write a suicide note in which he confessed to a double murder five years earlier.

He then bound the girls with tape. He gagged them, blindfolded them and tied their hands and feet. He cut the clothes off one of them with a knife. He then raped both girls. They managed to escape when he left the apartment to get some cocaine. So much for the facts.

The Fabrikant and Ferreira cases caused quite a stir in the metropolitan Montreal area. Apart from the cruelty and the perversity of these individuals' actions, these two sordid affairs have one fundamental point in common. These two individuals presented their own defence, without legal representation, and took advantage of their rights to personally cross-examine the victims of their crimes.

In the case of Valery Fabrikant, the trial lasted five months. Fabrikant, who refused to plead insanity, as his lawyers had suggested he do, wanted to show that he had been persecuted by Concordia University. He wanted to mount a defence mid-way between that of provocation and the battered woman syndrome. In all, the accused rejected 10 lawyers.

His defence, obviously, was not admissible in law. Provocation supposes that the accused has been subjected to an insult or an unfair action such that a reasonable person in the same situation would have been unable to maintain control and, in the heat of the moment, would also have killed his victim. This is a defence which, if accepted by the court, would not have led to an acquittal, but to lessened criminal responsibility. The individual could have been found guilty of involuntary homicide rather than murder.

I dare not even touch the battered wife syndrome argument for fear of losing my cool. There can be no more twisted and abject individual that one seeking to justify his foul crime by identifying himself with a woman who has been the victim of spousal violence. These are nothing more than the dreadful machinations of a paranoid and narcissistic mind.

The right to a full defence is a fundamental one in our society, and probably the grounds on which Mr. Justice Fraser Martin allowed Fabrikant to parade 77 witnesses, mostly from Concordia University, despite the inadmissibility of the defence of provocation.

During the entire trial, Valery Fabrikant presented himself as the victim of persecution, of a plot by the Concordia University community. He even summoned Elizabeth Horwood, the secretary who survived the massacre. Our system allows such things.

But I would ask this: Is our system better served when someone who has been accused of attempted murder can cross-examine his victim and attempt to discredit him or her? No. When there is a legal counsel, he or she serves as a middleman to cross-examine the victim without confrontation with the attacker.

I will give you an example of the type of question Fabrikant was allowed to ask Mrs. Horwood, whom he had shot at: "Where did I hit you? What did I look like at the time? Can you describe what I did?" Mrs. Horwood acquitted herself very well under the circumstances, but might she not have been spared a second attack by the perpetrator?

Take a moment to imagine the state of mind of Mrs. Horwood, when she again saw her attacker coming toward her to question her on the events that have left a permanent scar on her life? After five months of trial, the jury deliberated seven hours before finding the ex-professor guilty of the charges against him.

During the trial, Fabrikant did not hesitate to insult Judge Martin, which earned him six citations for contempt of court. The Supreme Court of Canada finally sealed this murderer's fate on June 2, 1994, by refusing him leave to appeal. That put an end to the circus trial.

The story of Agostino Ferreira is scarcely any better, in fact in some ways it is more loathsome. I shall not go into the facts of the case, except to point out that Ferreira was charged with forceable confinement, kidnapping and assault. At the trial, the victims were cross-examined by Ferreira himself, who did not have a lawyer.

He started out by apologizing to the first of the two victims for asking her questions. He asked her if the suspect-the suspect being himself-had acted not out of spite but out of love. Ferreira also asked questions related to his statement that someone or some

force may have been with him in the room when he committed these rapes. This cross-examination lasted an hour and and a half.

The next day, Ferreira cross-examined the second rape victim for an hour and ten minutes. Referring to a crucifix, he asked her is her legs were spread apart in the shape of a cross at the time of the rape. He also asked her: "Were you flogged? Did you have to wear a crown of thorns?" This, to me, is an abomination.

I readily admit that such incidents are fortunately not representative of most cases before the courts. Nonetheless, we as legislators have a duty to review Canada's criminal law so that it recognizes the rights of the victims.

If this House cannot give them an active role in legal proceedings, the least it can do is protect them adequately. This is the logic behind Bill C-217.

This bill would amend the Criminal Code so that the protection already provided to victims of sexual or violent offences who are younger than 14 is extended to all victims.

That is why I am asking the members of this House to support my bill.

Goods And Services Tax April 29th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, given the seriousness of the situation, and given that the Deputy Prime Minister refuses to resign to fulfil her commitment and preserve the credibility of her government, will she agree to submit her case to the Prime Minister's ethics counsellor, so that he can submit his written conclusions to the House?

Goods And Services Tax April 29th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, does the Deputy Prime Minister realize that, by not fulfilling a formal commitment made during the election campaign, she casts discredit on all politicians in this country, and that her only option is to resign? She has no choice, she must resign.