House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament March 2003, as Independent MP for Témiscamingue (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2000, with 50% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Somalia Inquiry February 13th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, the minister's answer is close to demagoguery. He is well aware that, if the inquiry was not able to hear all the witnesses, it is because of the delays, the problems created by his department and the army's top brass, who never co-operated with the inquiry, who did everything possible to interfere with it, and who never gave it the required support.

The minister is a man of experience and he knows full well that, the higher you go, the closer you get to the government. Are we to understand that, if the government interfered in such an unprecedented manner to put an end to the inquiry, it is because the Prime Minister and the minister felt the commissioners were getting dangerously close to their government?

Somalia Inquiry February 13th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Defence.

Yesterday, we witnessed a first in Canadian history. The chairman of an inquiry accused the government of political interference and clearly indicated he cannot hear all the witnesses, as the government is misleadingly suggesting. The minister can no longer provide meaningless answers, which are just a smoke screen used because an election is in the not too distant future.

How can the minister still deny that the true reason why his government wants to end the inquiry's mandate is because the inquiry was about to question senior public servants and top military officials about their involvement is this coverup?

Somalia Inquiry February 12th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, this role is viewed by the public as government interference in a commission trying to shed light on the matter.

I must point out that, last April, the former Minister of National Defence announced that the worst was still to come in the Somalia affair. Clearly, this government knows things it does not want the commission and the public to know.

Is the deadline imposed on the commission by the government not designed to ensure that the public will never know what the worst is?

Somalia Inquiry February 12th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Prime Minister.

Time and time again, the Prime Minister has told this House that the Somalia commission can hear any witness it wants concerning the cover-up in the Somalia affair, although Justice Létourneau said this morning that the government had in fact been advised that imposing a June 30 deadline would prevent the commission from hearing a number of key witnesses, including Ms. Campbell.

How can the Prime Minister maintain that it is business as usual for the Somalia commission, when, this morning, Justice Létourneau described the Prime Minister's statements as "misleading and unjust"?

National Defence December 10th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, just because it goes on elsewhere does not make it acceptable in this case.

Despite the military police, despite the additional measures that must be part of normal routine in a military research establishment, it was not until the OPP got involved that this scandal finally came to light.

How can the minister explain that, in his department, the same department that held a monumental search a few months ago-they looked in all the files, all the computer files, all the filing cabinets, and they even turned the waste paper baskets upside down, in order to find the missing documents-nobody saw anything then, and that it was not until the OPP investigation that this situation came to light?

National Defence December 10th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Defence.

We have learned that an individual who is supposed to be working on top secret projects in a maximum security location, right inside an army research establishment, is able, apparently without difficulty and unbeknownst to anyone, to spend weeks and months using army computers to supply an international child pornography network. This lack of control is impossible to understand.

Given the appalling weaknesses in the army's security system, how can the minister assure us, with any credibility, that there are not other similar activities, or even espionage activities, going on within his department or within the armed forces?

Zaire December 6th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, instead of claiming, as the defence minister did yesterday and as he is doing again today, that Canada played a major role as a catalyst in the return of refugees and that the whole process was a phenomenal success, will the minister admit that if he really wants to show some leadership, he should convene an international conference to find some permanent solutions to the conflicts in the great lakes region?

Zaire December 6th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of National Defence.

Yesterday, the Canadian government chose to give up its leadership regarding a humanitarian mission to eastern Zaire. The Minister of Foreign Affairs said that the crisis had shifted to inside Rwanda where the problem now was the resettlement of refugees returning home. For his part, the defence minister announced yesterday the cancellation of the Canadian-led mission and questioned whether last week's highly publicized plan to air drop food would go ahead.

Are we to understand that the Canadian government has given up on eastern Zaire where, according to the UN envoy, some 300,000 refugees are still trapped, to concentrate its efforts solely on the resettlement of refugees who are returning to Rwanda?

Excise Tax Act December 5th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I also want to address Bill C-70, which is basically a series of amendments to the GST.

Three years ago, the Liberal members opposite promised to abolish the GST. You will remember that, every day during the 1993 election campaign, Liberal candidates would canvass their ridings, all over the country, telling people to vote for them,

because they would eliminate the GST. The Liberals were even more vocal outside Quebec. They said: "We will scrap the GST".

I will use polite words and define "to scrap" as the equivalent of to abolish or to eliminate. The Prime Minister even repeated that statement in the House on several occasions, in response to questions from Bloc members and members from other parties as well.

Three years later, we have before us a few proposed changes here and there, and what amounts to some kind of political compromise to compensate those maritime provinces that have harmonized their tax structure.

Over these three years, abolishing the GST gradually became synonymous with harmonizing the GST. To my knowledge, the dictionary does not mention "to harmonize" as a synonym for "to eliminate" or "to abolish". I may be wrong, but I doubt it. In any case, voters will not be fooled.

As for the Deputy Prime Minister, she went even further than her colleagues and said she would resign if her government did not abolish the GST. She said that because she thought her party had made a commitment-after all she is now the Deputy Prime Minister-to abolish that tax. She did resign, but only to immediately run again in a byelection that cost Canadian taxpayers hundreds of thousands of dollars. Indeed, her constituents were not the only ones who had to pay. Everyone in this country had to pay for this political circus by the Deputy Prime Minister.

If she was so convinced that her government had not kept its promise, why did she not resign and go back to private life, period? Probably because she missed the limousine, her position as Deputy Prime Minister and all the advantages she enjoys every day.

Having missed all that for a few weeks, she naturally came back, resumed her duties, and was taken back into the fold as though nothing had happened, and nothing more was said.

It is a rather sorry saga, but there is more. The Deputy Prime Minister's political adventure was a costly one, but there was more to come, so that she could go to the voters and say: "Look, we have kept our promise", because they harmonized the tax in the maritimes and everyone knows perfectly well that right now the Liberals are strong in that area of the country. So they gave a political gift, because we must call a spade a spade, of $1 billion so that the maritimes would accept harmonization. Not just so that they would accept it, but also to sweeten the bitter pill of unprecedented unemployment insurance cuts in the Atlantic region.

These cuts were condemned by the same members who today are on the other side of the House, let us remember. These people thought the Conservative agenda with respect to unemployment insurance was scandalous and shocking, and made no bones about it. When they came to power, they cut benefits, and later reformed the system twice, both times for the worse, further cutting benefits.

As well, there are still a number of technical problems that have not yet been worked out in this reform, but we have been raising them in question period every day.

Therefore, this political compensation of $1 billion for the maritimes is aimed at softening up voters so that Liberal members and the few ministers can go back to their ridings and say: "Yes, it is true we did not keep that promise, but look at the $1 billion we got for the maritimes".

But who is paying this billion dollars? The taxpayers in Quebec and in Canada. They are all paying for this billion dollar political compensation package. And that is not all, because the way it has been set up, with respect to the compensation and reorganization of the tax in these provinces, there will be further compensation when it comes to equalization payments for the maritimes, given that the rate of taxation has gone down.

This could be the result. There is a possibility that equalization payments to these provinces will increase. In addition, as if that were not enough, we could keep paying for this harmonization indefinitely, all so as to avoid keeping this ridiculous promise.

Everyone saw just how impossible it was for the government, when it came to power with a deficit of around $37 billion or $38 billion-padded, of course so as to be able to say it had reduced it afterward-to deprive itself of $17 billion in revenue and yet eliminate the deficit just like that, overnight?

That is what the Liberals were telling people. Some MPs were taken in. I remember, I was sitting on the finance committee. To continue the drawn-out GST circus, they had the Standing Committee on Finance tour the country to consult Canadians on their ideas for a replacement formula. When they came to office in 1993, they started looking at the alternatives, as if they had just realized, after the election, that they could not deprive themselves of some $15 billion to $17 billion without finding an alternative.

Consultations were held, and witnesses appeared one after the other, those who wanted to see the tax done away with, and those who said "Listen here, that was a dumb promise, you cannot keep it". All this just to produce a report, which was probably already written right from the start, which stated "Yes, but it would be

preferable to harmonize the GST with the provincial taxes". I will get back to that, as behind this tax harmonization is a strong desire to centralize. It was already obvious in these recommendations that the tone had changed, that they were singing a different tune.

What was going on in Quebec at the same time? In Quebec, the provincial sales tax was adjusted annually. Finally, Mr. Campeau, who was the minister of finance, harmonized his tax with the federal sales tax. Without any compensation whatsoever, Quebec harmonized its tax.

The maritimes, which followed suit, got compensation. Now they have a problem on their hands. What will they do if Ontario harmonizes now? What will they do if the western provinces harmonize now? Are there likely to be other billion dollar gifts? This may be the promise that will have cost Canadian taxpayers the most in a very long time. How far will they go with this madness of very dubious promises that weigh heavily on Canadian taxpayers?

Where are they going? They do not really know. Moreover, there is an injustice. If one province receives compensation, why not all of them. Those who acted first are penalized. The little measure to sweeten the pot is the removal of the tax on books. Just a minute. That is not the case. It is for institutional purchases. Individuals must not think that there will be no more tax on books. They will get a surprise. With Christmas coming, they will discover there is no change.

What harmonization with the federal government means is that the federal government will collect taxes for everyone, including Quebec. The federal government likes to collect money, make the provinces dependent on transfer payments and then say: "Yes, we will give you so much money".

If things are not going well with federal public funds, transfer payments are cut. The provinces have to make painful cuts, because they manage the daily fare of health, education and social programs, which affect the public. The federal government is above all that and continues to waste money left, right and centre and to spend it, as we have seen in the case of the Deputy Prime Minister, on endless political spectacles. I have no doubt that voters, and I will conclude here, will remember this come the next election campaign, and there will be talk of the famous Liberal promises.

I will be keen to see how they go about trying to be credible the next time. Everyone will remember the GST and everyone will remember the other promise not kept, the one that is even more important, that of the jobs they never delivered. We can hardly wait to meet them along the next election campaign trail.

Canada Elections Act November 25th, 1996

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to speak to this group of motions to amend Bill C-63, an act to amend the Canada Elections Act and the Referendum Act. This group of motions deals particularly with political party funding. However, I would like to say a few words on other aspects of the bill before dealing with the ones now before us.

First of all, it is a good thing to shorten the campaign. Means of communications are a lot more advanced than they used to be. This shortening should make it possible for everybody to have a bit of energy left at the end of the campaign and to be ready to get down to work the next day.

That having been said, there are still things that could be improved in this bill. A lot of amendments were brought forward. For example, in Quebec, we have a permanent register of electors. Now the federal government wants its own list when it could have used the existing lists. People have been enumerated on several occasions in recent years, particularly in Quebec. Enumeration has almost become an annual event. On top of that, Statistics Canada conducted its regular census last spring.

A lot of money has been wasted over the last few years. It may have been a lack of vision on our part not to move faster towards the establishment of a permanent computerized list. We are now moving in that direction. However, that has already been done in Quebec. It would simply be a matter of making the necessary adjustments for the list to reflect federal ridings instead of provincial ridings. With today's technology, there is no reason not to proceed with these adjustments, which would save us a lot of money.

There is an amendment that would have been desirable and even important, one that has been moved and discussed on many occasions by the Bloc Quebecois. It is the issue of political party funding. It is a rule that we already comply with.

The law in Quebec limits the financing of political parties by ensuring that only individuals can contribute limited amounts. This is a way to avoid becoming the victims or lapdogs of large corporations which have the means to make financial contributions. Every year a list of financial donations, some of which amount to $100,000 or more, is published, not to mention the donations which do not appear on the list or are divided among different branches, subsidiaries and the like.

So we could have seized this opportunity to make a valuable contribution to the legislation by adding provisions on the financing of political parties. I say we could have done so and there will be opportunities to do so with the amendments proposed, but there does not seem to be much will on the government side to proceed in this way. It is not the first time that Parliament has had an opportunity, since the last general election, to vote on a much more democratic act regarding the financing of political parties.

What is the reason for this? We have to understand the dynamics of this issue and I believe it is worth explaining to the public why it is preferable to have political parties financed solely by individuals.

Generally speaking, people who give money to political parties do so because they believe in the goals they pursue. In the case of the Bloc Quebecois, a goodly number of sovereignists actively support the idea of a party in Ottawa which defends sovereignty and defends the interests of Quebec. There is a reason why they contribute and campaign. They are entitled to be active within the party, to take part in meetings, and so on, while at the same time financing the party. They therefore have a vested interest. They give money, contribute, buy memberships, because of that interest. This allows them to express support of a cause, a commitment to specific policies defended by a political party.

And what about those who contribute $50,000. $75,000 or $80,000 to a political party? Are we to believe it is out of altruism, out of charity, that they give so much? I doubt it. Most people, when they look at that, also wonder just what axe they have to grind. These are often very active people, with their own lobbyists, people that pressure the government, the cabinet, individual ministers. Then they get the changes that they want, ones that bring them results. They practically do a cost-effectiveness study-I contribute $50,000 and then I get a bit more than that back, often a lot more.

Is this how we want political parties to be funded within a democratic system? Absolutely not. As long as they are able to receive these contributions, this is certainly how it will be. The parties will be at the mercy of lobbyists, of organizations that are far better organized financially. One needs only look at the present situation, where for instance there will be a debate next year on the Bank Act, while we are living through a great many economic difficulties around job creation or maintaining a decent social security safety net. Meanwhile, we see some institutions that are in better shape than ever before, making more profits than they ever did.

We saw this during the past few weeks. Anyone who is a bit more familiar with the stock market will know that people are still investing massively in the banking sector because it is very profitable. There may be a problem at some point, but they can afford it. If you look at the contributions to the government party and add up this column of figures, it is also very profitable for the Liberal Party to be on good terms with these people.

Of course it is a lot harder when you have to do your fundraising with donations of $10 and $15, $20 and $5. It takes a long time. To collect $100,000 this way takes time, energy and a good organization. But it does force members to be closer to the grassroots and realize that they have to defend the interests of Mr. and Mrs.

Average, as opposed to a business which makes a lot of money, donates only a very small fraction of its profits to a political party but certainly expects something in return.

The system can never be perfect because these people will always try, in a roundabout way, to exercise pressure and to lobby. We cannot avoid that. However, to legislate against it would put on a lot of pressure. Those who do not comply with the legislation will be liable to severe penalties and have to pay the political price for failing to comply with the legislation governing political parties.

I have no doubt that in the end, adopting such amendments would ensure that political parties, especially the big parties we know such as the Liberal Party, or those we used to know, I should have said, like the Conservative Party and others, have to get closer to the grassroots which does not give as much but would require a better organized and more permanent political organization.

This would prevent situations of the kind that arose at the last convention of the Liberal Party which I had a chance to attend, where people slapped each other on the back and said we are the best and everything is fine, while out in the street, many citizens are experiencing problems and wondering why the federal government refuses to make any commitments and set objectives to improve the economy and the employment situation. And yet they say everything is fine.

Of course, when we get people who are more connected to reality and did not pay $500 to register for this convention, they will tell us something entirely different from what we might want to hear, but that is normal, that is healthy, it stimulates discussion and makes politicians do more and have a greater concern for the redistribution of wealth and for other areas by which people are affected.

The question we might ask, because it seems clear that it is a better system, is how is it that no one in this party-or, in any case as we will see shortly, perhaps a few-why are there not more people, particularly among those in authority, supporting the idea?

Obviously, because it would cut off major sources of revenue for their party, and they know very well how it works. It is easy. It provides a network and it also allows future party candidates to establish a network to eventually reach the position of Prime Minister.

So they look for funding everywhere, and in significant amounts. This is no longer appropriate. We are coming up to the year 2000, and we must modernize our political institutions. One way to do so, clearly, is to ensure political parties are funded democratically.

We limit ourselves to public funding. It is not always easy, as those who work in our political organizations can testify. The funding campaigns we wage year in and year out put us in permanent contact with people who comment on the government's action and on our own, when we come to call.

This is what it means to build a democratic system where people have a little more influence than merely a vote every four or five years. There is ongoing contact between the voter and the political parties and this encourages people to participate in democracy, that is, to follow what is going on, to be aware, and enables us to maintain contact and thus have a broader base. It promotes a healthier democracy.

I urge those whose mind is not already set to draw the necessary conclusions and make a move they can think back on with pride when they have retired from politics. Admittedly, it is often frustrating for government members not to be able to influence the course of things as much as they would like, because the power is concentrated in the hands of the cabinet, of those who cash the cheques and get the money. Today, they can ensure they will be able to say that they helped pass a bill of historic significance, by changing how political parties are financed.

At some future date, they will be able to say: "I was there when this bill was passed", instead of having to say: "I was in hiding" or admitting to voting as they were told so as not to cause embarrassment to their party. I can see there are many members on the other side, including members from Quebec. I am looking forward to seeing how they will vote, because, in Quebec, political parties have to comply.

By members from Quebec, I mean the few Liberal members remaining in Quebec. I am curious to see how they will vote and how they will explain to their voters that they did not want to submit to a democratic financing system, when this is the norm we set for ourselves in Quebec a long time ago.

This issue was settled through legislation passed by the Lévesque government. Of course, here, things move more slowly. We sovereignists would be quite proud to make it our legacy, before leaving this Parliament, to help modernize democracy, through public financing. I am pleased to see some members nodding. Perhaps all it would take is ten or fifteen minutes more to turn a few of them around.

I will conclude by urging those few progressive Liberals opposite to support the amendments moved by the Bloc Quebecois to put in place a democratic public financing system. I think that they would be quite proud of themselves for doing so when they go to bed tonight.