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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was business.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Reform MP for Edmonton Southwest (Alberta)

Won his last election, in 1997, with 51% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Taxation October 7th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, Canadian families purchase RRSPs to look after themselves in their retirement years. The new seniors benefit means that seniors will pay tax at a rate of 50 per cent beginning with the first dollar of income earned from other sources. This means that RRSP income will be taxed at 50 per cent; it means that CPP income will be taxed at 50 per cent.

Will the minister tell young Canadians why they should buy RRSPs today when the marginal rate is 17 per cent only to pay 50 per cent when it is taxed back when they are seniors?

The Budget October 3rd, 1996

The Prime Minister promised protection; the government is not delivering it. Will the minister go back to the books, revise that portion of the provisions of the clawback and make if fair to seniors?

The Budget October 3rd, 1996

Mr. Speaker, there is one thing we can be sure of: today's extreme Reform policies will be Liberal policy tomorrow. Of that we can be sure.

I know Canadian seniors have a bit of a worry with the present government which promised them the moon before the last election. I would like the minister to seriously consider this: The clawback provisions of the seniors benefit affect low income seniors the most and by far the hardest. Income of up to $16,000 is clawed back at a rate of 50 per cent, but income between $16,000 and $25,000 is not clawed back at all. It makes absolutely no sense and it is-

The Budget October 3rd, 1996

Mr. Speaker, in his reply to the speech from the throne the Prime Minister promised seniors that the OAS and GIS payments which they receive would not be reduced. However, budget documents show that some seniors will pay at least $1,200 more per year in taxes.

The Prime Minister promised that senior benefits would not be reduced. Budget documents show that the removal of age and pension tax credits will in fact reduce seniors' income.

Who should Canadian seniors believe: the Prime Minister or the budget documents?

Divorce Act October 1st, 1996

Mr. Speaker, this legislation and the application of a grid for suggested payment guidelines was, as I said earlier in the budget debate, a fairly responsible and good step. The reason is that it sets out an amount whereby the custodial parent can expect to receive approximately that amount for each child.

Where I said that in my opinion it was perhaps weak was that we still must have judicial discretion. This has to be part of any payment that is made. It is very likely that while judicial discretion

is allowed in the bill, in other jurisdictions where a grid is in place, the grid has taken precedence over judicial discretion.

Divorce Act October 1st, 1996

Mr. Speaker, it is a very fair statement. When I made the comment about living up to responsibilities, I was talking about living up to the financial responsibilities. It is absolutely essential that once we have accepted our responsibility for making maintenance payments for our children, it is our responsibility.

The member opposite did not point out that I said often it is better for a child to be from a broken home than in one. That is exactly the case. I do not think there is any question there are families that are able to stick through it. Obviously, had I been able to for whatever reason, but because I did not do it does not make it right.

Statistically, the point I made was that when we look at the consequences of divorce, when we look at the consequences of family breakdown and single parenting as a direct consequence of divorce, it is fairly evident that families that do not suffer the consequences of that, for whatever reason whether it is alcohol or some other reason, are probably going to stand a better chance than families that do. It is self-evident.

Divorce Act October 1st, 1996

Mr. Speaker, I was listening to the debate. My wife and I will be attending a couple of weddings in the next couple of weeks. We attended weddings over the summer, as I am sure many members present and many Canadians watching did. As we are talking about amendments to the Divorce Act, running through everyone's mind are weddings that they have recently attended or perhaps a wedding of their children or of a niece or a nephew. Many of us at our stage in life are going through this. It seems they come in batches.

I was struck by the fact that maybe we are closing the barn door after the horse has already escaped. Perhaps we should be discussing a new marriage act. Perhaps, as many of us have said to others or to ourselves in admonition, it should be a whole heck of a lot harder to get married. Perhaps we are putting our emphasis in the wrong place.

As we look at our society, as other speakers before me have very rightly pointed out, the foundation of our society is built around family. If we look at families or at particular societies such as religious or ethnic societies which place a very strong value on family, on commitment and on the responsibility to comes from that, we find that the divorce rate is substantially lower than it is among the general population.

I am not standing before the House and Canadians pontificating from a holier than thou perspective. I stand here as a person with considerable experience in these matters, having been twice divorced. My mother was divorced. Carrying on a long line of family history, my grandmother was divorced in 1932 in Alberta. That was not a small feat in those days.

I have said many times than it is better to be from a broken home than in one. However, I do not in any way diminish or denigrate the importance of family and how much better it is for children to be raised within a strong and supportive family. There is nothing more important in a child's life. Having said that, we know statistically a good percentage, perhaps even a majority, of marriages are going to end unhappily in divorce. The product of that unhappy circumstance will be children who will suffer in varying degrees from the effects of the divorce. Some children, depending on the maturity, wisdom and good faith of their parents, will suffer significantly less and, in fact, may benefit.

From time to time as members of Parliament we deal with constituents who come to us because there is nowhere else to go. Many of these people are single parents who are struggling to support a family. Some are non-custodial parents who feel grievously wronged because although they have lived up to every aspect of their agreement, they find themselves not able to be with their children. This legislation does not address that. In my opinion, that is a grievous error.

When we delve into the reasons for which families break up or why we have such acrimony over visitation, very often that is driven by retribution. Very often it is the chicken or the egg. If the non-custodial parent pays support regularly, he or she will get visitation rights regularly. In my experience, the amount of money that is awarded to the custodial parent is perhaps not as important as the consistency of receiving that money. It is important, but it is not nearly as important as the custodial parent being able to depend religiously on receiving that money every month.

That brings me to my perspective on this particular debate. I come to this perspective from the position of having paid maintenance payments virtually all of my adult life. There has not been a month that I have not made maintenance payments for as long as I can remember. Having made those payments, I was able to subtract from my income, which was generally speaking higher than my ex-spouse's income, the amount that I paid in support and my ex-wife paid the tax on it. This created a fairly big problem for her at the end of the year. She did not pay tax on it when she received it and the net result was that at the end of the year she had a tax bill she had to pay.

I discussed the matter with her and asked what she thought was the best way to handle it. Should it be taxable for her, should it be taxable for me or should we split it in the middle? We decided the best way to do it was to arrive at whatever the payment was going to be and I would pay tax on half and she would pay tax on half.

That is not what is going to happen with this bill. The non-custodial parent will be paying the tax and the receiving parent will not be paying the tax. It will not affect maintenance agreements that are already in effect. I am sure that the courts will take into account who will be paying the tax when they make their judgments.

This legislation envisions a grid. The grid is a schedule of the amount of maintenance payments per child that will be paid to the custodial parent, usually the wife, based on the income of the non-custodial parent or generally speaking the husband. That is not necessarily a bad idea. However, it does not allow for judicial discretion. In my experience, very often family break-ups come as a direct result of financial pressures. When the family breaks up there is not a whole lot of money to go around anyway. Very often the father pays support to a family where the custodial parent, the wife, has remarried and has a standard of living far beyond anything that the ex-husband has.

These things are not black and white. We tend to make these laws based on our experience with the extremes. Very often the extremes are horrid. The fact is that if a husband is not going to make support payments, no amount of legislation in the world is going to force him to do it. He has to do it because he accepts the responsibility and it is the right thing to do.

I guess this is where our society has kind of become unglued. When a couple makes the decision to get a divorce, when did it become their right to absolve themselves of the responsibilities that were incurred in the marriage and they brought children into the world? When, because I decided to be divorced, did it become someone else's responsibility to be financially responsible for my children? If I am divorced, for whatever reason, and I cannot afford to look after the financial responsibilities that I incurred of my own free will in my first marriage, it does not give me the right to take on new responsibilities in a subsequent marriage and then claim poverty and say: "I can't afford to look after my first responsibilities because I have taken on a second batch of responsibilities".

When we make decisions we have to be big enough to accept the responsibilities that come with those decisions. We are not saying not to do it but are saying: "Having made the decision, for goodness sake, be big enough to live up to the responsibilities that you have".

I would suggest that because the receiving spouse is depending on the maintenance payments, it is entirely appropriate that the government, representing all of the people, take whatever steps are prudent to enforce maintenance payments. We understand that maintenance payments are legislated federally and are enforced provincially. It has to be done with a foundation of fairness. If someone is going to have his or her wages garnisheed, certainly notice should be given. I do not know about other folks, but as an employer when I saw a garnishee notice coming for anyone who worked for me, it raised an eyebrow.

What happens if the person who is on the receiving end of the garnishee is living up to the obligations but is involved in some sort of a messy dispute?

Not all lawyers get up in the morning and ask, "how can we do the right thing?" It is possible that some of them do not have a clue because they did not do their homework. Some of them might decide they are going to make life miserable for someone and do not use due diligence before they issue a garnishee notice. The notion of being able to garnishee without notice is wrong.

Similarly, I have real difficulty with the ability to go back into tax records subsequent to a divorce. In my view the only reason for this could be in order to try to have the amount of maintenance payment increased.

When people decide to divorce, it seems to me that should be that. Each spouse should know the income of both spouses to determine what fair support should be. After that has been concluded, why should either party have the right to open the closed files five years down the road? It does not make sense to me.

Some of the criticisms of this bill, both constructive and positive and negative criticism, are that it takes the judicial discretion out of the awarding of payments. It does not necessarily consider the ability of the non-custodial parent to make the payments that have been determined, nor does it take into consideration the financial circumstances of the custodial parent.

Although the vast majority of divorces end with the female being the custodial parent, it is possible that the husband is the injured party in the case. It is possible that the female who ends up with custody is also the one who initiates the divorce. There are circumstances where in such situations the female goes from one marriage almost directly into another. I know of some that have resulted in the wives not having any negative financial consequences whatsoever. However, the ex-husband has been out of house, home and hearth in order to support the new marriage.

I am really nervous about setting arbitrary rules that do not allow for judicial discretion. That is why we have divorces that go before judges.

Another concern about the guidelines is this. Are they to be a ceiling or a floor? What about the situation where a parent is capable of paying a lot more?

Third is the notion of reopening cases which have already been closed.

In 1977 Betty Jane Wylie, author of Beginnings: a book for widows , wrote that in the dim dark dark days before antiseptics women often died in childbirth and it was not uncommon for a man to outlive two or three wives. A man can still have two or three wives today but it is because of a thing called divorce. It is a lot more messy and a lot more expensive. There is absolutely no question it is far more expensive to get a divorce than it is to tough it out.

I will conclude my comments in the debate with the notion that it is perhaps much more important for us as a society to put our emphasis on the marriage and making it more difficult to get married rather than making it easier to get a divorce. Sometimes, and I speak from personal experience, the tougher thing to do is to work through the problems and tough it out. Therefore, the notion of a unified family court, the notion of arbitration and mediation and a proactive effort would be a very worthwhile exercise for Parliament to consider.

As the great Canadian Charlie Farquharson said, statistically two out of five marriages end in divorce; the rest of us stick it out until the bitter end. Therein might be a pearl of wisdom all of us might learn from. As we discuss the ramifications of divorce and family law on children, there is absolutely no question that those Canadians who are able to tough it out to the bitter end are probably going to find that what they have done for their family will pay great rewards in the long run.

Somalia Inquiry September 26th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, if I may, I would advise the parliamentary secretary that Private Kyle Brown is still paying off the bank loan that he had to take out to pay for his defence while he was in Somalia.

Sergeant Mark Boland was arrested, taken from his home by the military police, tried, convicted and sentenced to one year in jail and discharged from the military for his role in the Somalia affair.

Although he was off duty and asleep when the events took place, Sergeant Boland was held accountable because the atrocity took place during his watch. He should have known and he was held accountable.

My question is for the Prime Minister. What kind of leadership example is set for Canadians when the chief of the defence staff is able to pass off responsibility for events that occurred under his watch, yet he continues to enjoy the support of the Prime Minister, the minister of defence and of the government?

Somalia Inquiry September 26th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, Kyle Brown, a private in the airborne regiment in Somalia was jailed for five years and released from the military for his role in the Somalia affair. He was tried, convicted and sentenced appropriately.

By turning over the film of the atrocity Kyle Brown incriminated himself but he prevented a cover-up.

How is it that the lowest ranking member of the military, who prevented a cover-up, did not have military defence counsel while

the chief of the defence staff has the best counsel that money can buy to try to absolve him of his role in the cover-up?

Criminal Code September 24th, 1996

Mr. Speaker, on a beautiful fall day like today members, those Canadians in the gallery here and those Canadians who are viewing this on television will know that the fall colours all across our country are just starting to change.

If you were in my home of Edmonton, Alberta today and you were at the north end of High Level Bridge, the bridge that goes across the North Saskatchewan River, you would see a park at the northwest corner of High Level Bridge. In that park is a statue of a police officer. The police officer has his arm around a young lad of about seven or eight years of age. The statue of that police officer is pointing across the river at the University of Alberta.

Every time I drive by that location I am reminded of Constable Ezio Faraone. That park and statue are dedicated to Constable Ezio Faraone. Constable Faraone was a young policeman who was cut down in the prime of his life by someone who had very little to contribute to our society and over the course of his life had contributed nothing. He cut down a young man with much promise, a young man who had dedicated part of his life to guiding other young people. That is why that statue and that park are so poignant: because of the contrast of the two lives; one full of richness, promise and hope and the other life for whatever reason generally speaking of incarceration and despair.

We do not know what led to the incarceration of the perpetrator of the horrendous murder of Ezio Faraone and we are not suggesting that life is fair and that everybody starts with an equal chance. However the fact of the matter remains that there are very few of us in our country who do not appreciate the difference between right and wrong.

The problem in our country is not so much that people do not appreciate the difference between right and wrong, but we are not as a nation prepared to accept the consequences for having done wrong. That is really the nibs of it. We see this every day in our country. People elected or people appointed to positions of responsibility, authority and leadership abdicate that leadership role or that role of responsibility by sloughing off accountability for their actions to someone else or by blaming it on some incident in life that caused them to do whatever they did.

The fact is that the death of Constable Ezio Faraone, the snuffing out of that life of promise, of that young leader of men who was working on behalf of all of the citizens of Edmonton and of the larger community of our nation, was in part because of the actions of this House of Commons. It is the actions of this House of Commons and the laws that are promulgated herein which set the stage for what is likely to happen in our country.

In my opinion there is a direct link between the death of Constable Ezio Faraone at the hands of a convict on parole on the streets of Edmonton and the Solicitor General of Canada on October 6, 1972 who stood in the House and stated, using these words which can be checked in Hansard : ``From this day forward rehabilitation will be the driving raison d'ĂȘtre of our criminal justice system. It will not be the protection of society. It will be the rehabilitation of prisoners''. From that day forward, 24 years ago almost to the day just a couple of weeks from now, the criminal justice system and Correctional Services Canada have had to focus on the rehabilitation of prisoners.

That is not all bad. The vast majority of people who commit a crime or break the social contract that we as citizens have one with another are worthy of rehabilitation and should be given a second chance. Yesterday the member for Kingston and the Islands, who has a major prison in his constituency, spoke long and eloquently about the need and the reason for compassion, about how it is honourable and correct to turn the other cheek. We as parliamentarians have a responsibility that goes beyond ourselves.

When a perpetrator kills somebody or commits any major crime-we are now talking about capital offences in particular, murder-the charge is not written as victim v. defendant, it is the Queen, Regina v. defendant. This is because when someone kills another citizen, the crime is not only against the victim but also against the community. It is against the nation. That is why when a crime is committed it is the crown in opposition to the perpetrator.

When we gathered under the oak tree, or whatever tree we gathered under, as human beings to suggest and to agree one with another that we were going to give up some of our individual freedoms in order to ensure the greater good would be served, we then one with another created a social contract. That social contract meant that we would not have the personal liberty that animals do to kill whatever they choose for whatever reasons. We were going to conduct ourselves in a fitting manner. We willingly gave up some of our freedoms in order to enjoy the greater good.

The populations of various countries, including our country, vested with parliamentarians the authority and the responsibility to frame that social contract, to give it meaning, to give it foundation, to make it work. Therefore when we are called upon to generate the laws by which we will govern ourselves, we must use not only compassion but reason.

Our laws must have strength. They must state that certain crimes will be dealt with in the harshest possible manner. We are not talking about manslaughter; we are not talking about crimes of passion; we are not talking about a momentary fit of madness. We are talking about cold blooded murder. We are talking about an occasion where someone will take a hostage and kill a prison guard or policemen who are on the frontlines to defend us day after day after day.

We are not talking, as members opposite have said from time to time, of everybody who is in jail or of everyone who commits murder. We are talking specifically about those criminals who have been charged and convicted of first degree murder. This gives the courts many avenues of leniency. Not everyone who commits murder is charged with first degree murder. As a matter of fact, the vast majority is not.

When someone commits an offence that is judged by the legal community to be first degree murder, that person should be prepared to accept the consequences, which brings us right back to my first words. The problem is not that our society does not have the means and the wherewithal to maintain order and discipline. The problem is that we as a society do not have the discipline to accept the consequences of our actions.

Therefore if someone is prepared to commit first degree murder they should do so in the full knowledge that the sure consequence is that they will spend 25 years behind bars, not 24 years and not 26 years, 25 years. Twenty-five years was the quid pro quo for getting rid of the death penalty. We will not put anyone to death, but the people who commit first degree murder would do so in the full knowledge that by breaking the social contract, one with another, they will pay the full penalty.

That is why I would urge members opposite to support the original bill by the member for York South-Weston which would scrap section 745, which was was wanted by virtually every victim group and every police group, and not accept this watered down version of Bill C-45 presented by the Minister of Justice.