House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was liberal.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as Reform MP for Okanagan—Coquihalla (B.C.)

Won his last election, in 1997, with 53% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Petitions February 6th, 1995

Madam Speaker, I have two petitions to present today to the House of Commons.

In the first one, 558 constituents from Okanagan-Similkameen-Merritt have signed the following: "We the undersigned residents of Okanagan-Similkameen-Merritt draw the attention of this House to the following: that the finance minister has indicated that he might change the rules regarding RRSPs and pensions and tax the holdings or income of these plans. Therefore we request that Parliament oppose any attempt to alter our ability to provide for secure retirement by way of taxation of assets or income of RRSPs and pension plans".

The message is clear, Madam Speaker. Do not touch our RRSPs or our pension plans.

Access To Information December 14th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, it certainly is gratifying to know that the spirit of Christmas has fallen upon this House. It was interesting listening to the debate this afternoon.

Earlier this year Information Commissioner John Grace included in his annual report 43 recommendations to close loopholes in the 10 year old Access to Information Act. Mr. Grace stated: "The first decade has shown that the government bent on secrecy can certainly diminish the effectiveness of the access law".

Mr. Grace goes on to say that he wants the new government to have the self-confidence to be scrutinized and the fortitude to be forthright.

Motion No. 304 gives the Liberal government that golden opportunity to take this first crucial step toward restoring Canada's faith. At the top of page 92 of the red book which starts by talking of initiatives to "restore the confidence in the institutions of government", it certainly seems like the Liberal government in the spirit of this motion would have to agree with Motion No. 304.

The information commissioner's recommendation No. 43 states that the access act be extended to all federal government institutions including special operating agencies, crown corporations and wholly owned subsidiaries, any institutions to which the federal government appoints a majority of governing body members, the Senate, the House of Commons, the Library of Parliament and all officers of Parliament.

During debate on motion 304 of November 17, I was listening very carefully to the member for St. Paul's. He made a couple of comments in his address to the House that I would like to repeat.

"At the time of the act"-it was passed in 1982-"there was careful consideration to which institutions should be included in the coverage of the act and which should not". Later in his address he went on to say: "We cannot assume that these were frivolous decisions as to who was included and who was excluded". I thought to myself it was worthy of doing some research on. Was it carefully thought out?

We went to the Library of Parliament to see if we could find out some information about those debates and the reasons why some corporations were excluded and some were not. An article from the Hill Times printed March 17, 1994 is headed: ``Parliament's exemption from information access act perplexing''.

The reporter went back to the key people who were involved in the drafting of the act in the late 1970s and the early 1980s. Strangely enough, all of the people who were contacted said that they could not recall an actual reason for the exclusions. Then the reporter went back to the person who should really have all the information on this, the man responsible for drafting Bill C-43, Liberal minister Francis Fox. He was posed the question, why were these exemptions made? How did he respond? "You got me". That is what he said. He did not know.

We wanted to dig a little deeper into this. We went to Robert Auger, the Privy Council adviser to Mr. Fox and posed the same question. What was the reason for these exemptions? He said: "It is some kind of philosophical assumption that nobody questioned". Nobody has ever questioned this. That comes back to the debate of November 17 and the comments from the member for St. Paul's. I am certain that he did not intend to mislead this House.

Certainly the testimony I have presented today would indicate that there was not careful consideration at the time. At least we should ask questions and maybe even assume that some of these decisions were frivolous and without basis.

Crown corporations have not been open to public scrutiny and this continues to fuel the fire of voter cynicism. Canadians are demanding accountability. They want open government. Is there anything wrong with accountability and open government? It is high time that the government takes action.

Why are crown corporations exempt from the Access to Information Act? Let us look at a couple of them. In the case of the CBC and Atomic Energy of Canada Limited, there are concerns that competitors would be able to gain an advantage in their respective markets through access requests.

These crown corporations continue to exist because they are financed by the Canadian taxpayer, not because they are profit making players in the competitive marketplace. This is a pretty strong argument for wanting accountability and access to information on how these corporations are operated. The taxpayers want to know how their hard earned dollars are being spent. Provisions could be made that could protect commercially viable information. Therefore that argument is also put to rest.

There have been numerous examples of the need for public access to information on crown corporations. Earlier this year the National Arts Centre spent $250,000 on a proposal to submit an application for a performing arts television network. If it had not been for the Auditor General's report, Canadians would have been kept in the dark about this ridiculously expensive proposition. The Auditor General said: "The activities of and the expenses incurred for this broadcasting project are beyond the objects and powers of this corporation".

In addition the Auditor General obtained legal opinions supporting the view that a performing arts network was outside the NAC's mandate. If the National Arts Centre had not been exempt from access to information, a private citizen might have been able to come forward with this information, an elected official of the House, or maybe even a journalist would have easily exposed this ludicrous proposal before some $250,000 taxpayer dollars were spent needlessly.

Canadians currently pay for half of the NAC's annual operating budget of $40 million. Do they not have the right to ask certain questions about the operations? The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation is financed by Canadians to the tune of $1.1 billion, and yet it operates under the same veil of secrecy as the other crown corporations. Access to information would allow Canadians to question just how that $1.1 billion is spent. Canadians have the right to know.

Again I would remind the House that provisions could be made to protect the commercially viable information that needs to be protected.

According to CBC staffers, costs of production are kept secret, even within its own organization, to avoid jealousies among producers whose shows are given different budgets and to keep writers and others from knowing how little of the pie they actually receive. It is a shame.

Instead of going to Parliament the Auditor General's report on the CBC will be submitted to the CBC's board of directors and made public if and when the board sees fit. The true owners are being deprived of this information on the CBC. Who would they be? The people of Canada.

Access to information would eliminate this cat and mouse game. Again I would like to reiterate this because it is important. Provisions could be made to ensure commercially viable and valuable information would be protected.

Perhaps a crown corporation should file an access to information request just to find out for themselves what access to information really means. When information is kept secret, bureaucrats and politicians could be tempted to do things that they would not do if they were made public. The more information available to Canadians the better off the country will be.

I will give some more examples of the kinds of abuses that I am talking about. There have been abuses throughout history. Perhaps the most famous was that of the Aberdeen Marina, the Hong Kong club where Canada's foreign offices spent some $773,000 on memberships for 34 diplomats and family members. That was back in the early 1980s. Or maybe it was the so-called bridge to nowhere. Members may recall the $2.1 million structure erected in the riding of a federal Conservative cabinet minister. The only problem with the project was that the bridge when built was not connected to any road.

A more recent example, and we may never have the answer to this one, is much taxpayers paid to chauffeur, entertain and put Haitian leader Jean Bertrand Aristide in hotels during his recent six day visit to Ottawa in January.

A local Ottawa newspaper reported that it requested the information under access to information. It was refused by foreign affairs which claimed Aristide's hotel bill was too sensitive and could lead to squabbling among other foreign visitors because they may receive lesser treatment. Do the taxpayers of Canada not have the right to know this information? I think they do.

The Liberal government red book talks of initiatives to restore confidence in the institutions of government. Gosh, that sounds good. According to my research, the government should do so soon. It has an opportunity right now. Freedom of information builds faith like few other policies build faith in the Government of Canada. It slows the build-up of dirty laundry that a future government will only be too happy to wash.

My Liberal colleagues could well learn from the information commissioner's scathing criticism of the Mulroney government's attempt to put roadblocks in the way of citizens trying to find out about how the government made decisions and what those were.

The final piece of evidence that I have today is from a gentleman by the name of John G. McCamus who was involved as a witness in the second reading of Bill C-43 in 1980. He said: "As many critics of the bill have observed, there is one highly visible category of federal agencies which have not been included in the schedule-the federal crown corporations engaged in the supply of goods and services. The exclusion of commercial crown corporations from the access scheme is, in a word, indefensible".

In closing, Motion No. 304 is about openness and accountability. The government owes it to all Canadians to have the self-confidence to be scrutinized and the fortitude to be forth-

right. The passage of Motion No. 304 will help to regain the public confidence in this institution.

Veterans Appeal Board December 14th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I could not hear the answer.

The answer did not include that several of the 1994 appointments to the Veterans Appeal Board have been long time friends of the Liberal Party, including failed Liberal candidates and former Liberal MPs including René Cousineau, Patricia Landers and Una MacLean Evans who supported the Prime Minister in his bid for the Liberal leadership race in 1990. The Liberal list goes on and on. The major criteria appear to be that one must be a Liberal to get these $86,000 a year plums.

My supplementary question is for the Prime Minister. When will the government live up to its red book promise and put an end to these blatant partisan patronage appointments?

Veterans Appeal Board December 14th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the Liberal red book said that the Tory government "made a practice of choosing political friends" in making appointments. It went on to say that the Prime Minister would fill positions "on the basis of competence". My question is for the Secretary of State for Veterans Affairs.

Could the minister explain to the House the criteria for appointments to the Veterans Appeal Board?

Pictou Landing Indian Agreement Act December 12th, 1994

Madam Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 37(3) I rise to get a more in-depth answer to questions I posed to the Prime Minister on December 8.

At that time I asked the Prime Minister, now that Canadians had been released, if the government would align with France's position and use this opportunity to withdraw our troops.

I further asked the Prime Minister if the government wished to reassure Canadians now that the hostages were free by withdrawing our troops.

As we all know, this is a very serious situation. The answers we have been getting from the government have praised the work the Canadian troops have been doing in the former Yugoslavia. I concur with those statements. I agree that they are the best trained troops in the world. They were put in a very difficult situation and they have done a superb job under the conditions.

Looking at the events over the past few days it would do us all well to review exactly what has been happening in the former Yugoslavia.

UN forces have had to put up with being shot at, humiliated and harassed to support the UNPROFOR mission. We are rapidly approaching the point where because of the danger, humiliation and harassment, the UN forces can no longer accomplish their mandate.

A UN spokesman, Michael Williams, said that the events last week point to an "extremely disturbing pattern" of Serbs directly targeting UN forces. He cited a series of incidents. First, two Spanish soldiers were injured near Mostar when they came under Bosnian Serb shelling. Second, three days in a row unarmed Ukrainian and British UN military observers patrolling on foot were shot at in the eastern Muslim enclave of Gorazde which is encircled by the Serbs. Third, a Norwegian observation post near near Tuzla in northeast Bosnia was fired on with mortar rounds last Wednesday and earlier in the day a nearby Norwegian observation post was destroyed by Serb shelling.

The UN spokesman Michael Williams went on to say: "This sort of outrageous behaviour clearly will affect the sort of

reappraisal and reassessment of UNPROFOR, which is obviously going on in many nation capitals. I think there is a limit to what peacekeeping troops can be subjected to and forced to endure".

Over the past weekend, on Saturday, a Danish convoy of fuel tankers was hijacked reportedly by Bosnian Serbs and a French fuel convoy was turned back outside Sarajevo after it was refused entry. Two Dutch communication vehicles were hijacked along with their satellite equipment. The Serbs refused permission for the plane carrying the UN commander in Bosnia, British Lieutenant-General Sir Michael Rose, to land at the Sarajevo airport. That was just yesterday.

The Serbs have even said quite straightforwardly that they would no longer allow UN armoured personnel carriers to escort aid convoys through the 70 per cent of the country they control. Aid workers said that they could not work without UN protection.

All of this leads us down the road to ask the serious question: What are the UNPROFOR troops doing in Bosnia? The UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali said last week in Montreal that a decision to withdraw peacekeepers would have to be made by countries that sent them. In other words, Canada, France, Britain and Ukraine would have to decide themselves whether they would give up their sovereign right to protect their citizens who are sent to these war torn areas and that decision should not be made by someone else. Indeed, it has to be made by the country.

There are a couple of red herrings that I want to get out of the way because we have heard them several times. The first is the lifting of the arms embargo. What would that mean to the UNPROFOR mission? We have witnessed on television that heavy arms are throughout Bosnia at this point in time. In fact, newspaper reports are saying that 40 per cent of Bosnia is now covered with surface to air missiles. We have also seen that the troops are unable to move.

Regarding this arms embargo, the Prime Minister said that if the arms embargo is lifted, our troops will come out. It is indeed a fact that there are arms getting into Bosnia now. How effective then is the arms embargo? I would say that it is not effective at all at this point, with the exception of what is happening on the Adriatic Sea. Certainly there are arms getting into the Sarajevo airport and being distributed to the belligerent forces.

I have come to the end of my time. I would like to hear from the parliamentary secretary maybe a little more on the question that I asked the Prime Minister regarding aligning with France's position and also some comments that would reassure the Canadian public that we are indeed moving to-

Petitions December 9th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to present five petitions dealing with the subject of doctor assisted suicide.

The petitioners are opposed to any legislation that would permit doctor assisted suicide because it demeans the value of human life.

Therefore the petitioners call on Parliament not to enact any legislation that would allow doctor assisted suicide.

Supply December 8th, 1994

Madam Speaker, I wish to advise the Chair that I was absent for the first two votes but I will be voting with my party.

Bosnia December 8th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, in reaction to the French government's call for a withdrawal of peacekeepers from Bosnia the Prime Minister said: "Probably they want to reassure their own people". Those are the Prime Minister's words.

I ask the Prime Minister: Does this government wish to reassure Canadians now that the hostages are free by moving to withdraw our troops?

Bosnia December 8th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, the Reform Party caucus and indeed all Canadians welcome the good news of the release of the 55 Canadian hostages held by the Bosnian Serbs. Yesterday the French foreign minister called for a withdrawal of its peacekeepers in Bosnia. This only makes public the growing realization that this is a political, not a military problem and that peacekeepers cannot do their job in the current environment.

My question is for the Prime Minister. Now that Canadians have been released, will the government align with France's position and use this opportunity to withdraw our troops?

Okanagan Wine Industry December 8th, 1994

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to salute an industry which has risen from the ashes to become a world leader. I refer to the Okanagan's flourishing wine industry. Today any respectable wine cellar is incomplete without a selection of the very fine vintages coming from the Okanagan Valley.

Among our world class estate wines we include Le Compte Wines, Sumac Ridge, Lang Vinyards, Wild Goose Vinyards and Gehringer Brothers. All have won an impressive collection of international medals for their wines. Many of these wines have been judged the best in the world at competitions such as the Intervin International in New York and the International Wine and Spirit Competition held in London, England.

In the south Okanagan estate wineries floundered with government subsidies but have flourished without government subsidies and government interference. Free enterprise and competition nurtures excellence. There is an important lesson in

the Okanagan wine industry. I salute the entrepreneurs of the Okanagan wine industry and the people of the Okanagan. Indeed all Canadians are justly proud of you.