House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was jobs.

Last in Parliament April 1997, as Reform MP for Simcoe Centre (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 1993, with 38% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Minister Of Canadian Heritage June 9th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the government cannot seem to get its story straight over the heritage minister's contract for dollars dinner.

Yesterday the Deputy Prime Minister stated there was no breach of ethics and therefore there was no need for the ethics counsellor to investigate this paid access to the minister. However, today we learn the ethics counsellor is investigating the matter. It appears Mr. Wilson feels there is more to this affair than meets the government's eye.

Is the ethics counsellor conducting an open investigation into the minister of heritage's dinner? Will Mr. Wilson's report be made public?

Government Policies June 9th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the Reform principles we ran on in 1993 have once again been embraced by the voters in Ontario in their overwhelming support of the Mike Harris common sense revolution.

Once again, the voters have shown they are miles ahead of the politicians who still practise the top down, we know best politics of the 1970s and 1980s. The common sense of the common people as outlined in the Reform blue book will not be denied and the common sense revolution responded to that.

It is ironic that yesterday, while the Ontario voter was rejecting undefined sexual orientation, gold plated pensions and gun registration, this government was introducing closure to ram legislation dealing with each of those through this House.

The Liberals did not win in 1993; the Tories were thrown out. Yesterday this government provided the voters in Ontario with three very good reasons to throw them out in 1997 and elect a government that is listening and responding to their concerns, the Reform Party.

Ontario Election June 5th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the Ontario polls show a clear preference for Mike Harris and his common sense revolution. Voters give every indication they will reject the Ontario Liberals' daughter of red book on Thursday.

This election is not about right versus left, it is about right versus wrong. Ontarians are saying that employment equity is wrong, that MPP pensions are wrong, and ever increasing taxes are wrong. Ontario is saying that hiring on merit alone is right, workfare is right, and balancing the budget by a fixed date is right. Like Alberta, Ontario is saying that the Reform agenda is right.

It proves clearly that popularity polls are meaningless until the rubber hits the road. Once the Ontario election was called, the common sense revolution destroyed the Liberal mirage.

This Thursday, what is wrong in Ontario will be rejected and replaced with the only party with the Reform message, which knows what is right, Mike Harris-

Supply June 1st, 1995

Madam Speaker, I am not sure what the question was. I do not even think it was a question. I think it was a very eloquent statement from a very eloquent member.

Nowhere did I say the government should offer more services. That is not a reality and I did not suggest that for a moment. What I am saying and what I said in my remarks is that we have to get less government. We have to get government out of our lives. There is too much government, and we have to reduce that level. However, we do have to provide services, and we can provide services by getting the services provided by the government that is closest to the people. There are many areas where that means transferring it to the provincial governments. We do

not have a problem with that. We have to deliver these services in the most cost efficient way possible.

The member was suggesting that people in Quebec might be prepared to pay more taxes. I would like to see a poll on that. I do not think they are prepared to pay any more taxes. I think they feel the same way as the people in Ontario: They are taxed to death and they are looking for some relief by the government cutting its spending. That is the answer to creating the jobs the member needs in Quebec, just as we need them in Ontario.

Supply June 1st, 1995

Madam Speaker, there was a lot said by the member for Ottawa Centre.

I would like to begin by saying it is very difficult to find anything but negatives when we are responding to this government's agenda. I could not believe it when I heard the member say that it is not governments that create jobs but the private sector. That is not the message that has been coming across the

floor. They have spent $6 billion on an infrastructure program because governments were going to create jobs, arenas, boccie courts.

That is government creating false jobs, not real jobs. It still fails to get the connection between high taxes and job creation. High taxes kill job creation. If we want to create jobs we have to lower taxes. One of the provinces is doing that right now. It is lowering taxes and cutting spending. What is happening? It is increasing employment. It is getting more jobs for its people.

This budget is not a job creator, it is a job killer. The government does not create jobs, the private sector does, and the private sector is looking for tax reductions. Anybody in the private sector will say: "Get out of our lives. Get off our backs. Get out of our pockets. We will create the jobs, but we do not need you on our backs. Get off our backs and we will do it".

The hon. member spoke about the myth of taxes. I am sure that Canadians who were listening to "we do it with more taxes" are responding to that, because they are eagerly waiting to give the government more tax dollars. They have been giving the government all of these tax dollars and they have been receiving fewer services. Does the government not think they are getting the message?

The reason for the tax increases over the years has been supposedly to do something about our deficit and debt, but they have been getting deeper and deeper. It has not happened. There is no proof that the answer is to go after more taxes. In fact, the opposite has been happening for 25 years.

Where is the justification for standing up and talking about the myth of taxes? The myth is that we are taxing too much. We have to cut our spending. When we have been overspending for the number of years we have been, to suggest that we can continue to overspend and that the Canadian people will be prepared to support us with more tax dollars is to dream in the extreme.

The government has not yet received the message. It will get it in the next election. When the government addresses the next budget let it find how it will accommodate $52 billion in interest payments that are going out the window without increasing taxes and again hurting the creation of jobs.

It is nice to hear hon. members opposite talking about free trade. When they were in opposition they were vehemently opposed to free trade. Yet in fact free trade today is the salvation of this government. If it were not for free trade it would be in far worse shape than it is right now.

Supply June 1st, 1995

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure for me to rise this afternoon and speak in opposition to the Bloc motion.

In some ways and in some areas of the bill highlighted on this motion we agree with the Bloc that the system is broken and these bills are not addressing the real problem.

Where we differ with our colleagues from the Bloc is the problem is repairable. It can be fixed. There is absolutely no reason for quitting or separating. Canada is worth fighting for and that is what we have to do.

What I read in this motion, the me, we mentality, is the real problem. It is what is in it for me and not what is in it for Canada.

I recall an article about the me, we generation. It identified the 1980s as the me generation. It talked about the Milkens in the United States and the Campeaus in Canada who were out for personal gain and glory at the expense of jobs to thousands of Canadians.

The article suggested that changed in the 1990s, that the 1990s changed to what we call the we generation. It talked about people becoming more concerned about what is really important in life. It talked about the number of people who have started contributing to charities and working for the betterment of their communities.

In the article a minister had interviewed many people in their last moments. He never had heard anyone say in those last moments they wished they had spent more time at the office. The message there was we all have to remember that what is good for the family is really what is important.

There was also a story of a very successful stockbroker who had made millions in the stock exchange, more money than he could ever hope to spend in his lifetime. He quit all that when he realized what was really meaningful in life and what was really important to him was missing. He walked away from it. He went home to look after a young family even to the point of making sandwiches and participating in life. He found a great deal more satisfaction from that. This mentality of we, me is at the bottom of many of the problems we have in Canada today.

The status quo has been rejected overwhelmingly. There is no question about that with 205 new members elected to Parliament. There was a very strong message from the Canadian people they were not happy with what had been happening here and they wanted change.

Change does not mean walking away or quitting. The change they are asking for is a change to the system to make it work, to make for a better and united Canada. Canada is worth fighting for. We have the greatest country in the world.

We have a great opportunity with 205 new members. We have some fresh thinking, some new ideas and new visions for a new Canada, a Canada where all citizens in all provinces will be treated equally.

I am sure the people in the province of Quebec are no different from the people in every province across this great country. They are looking for a government that will live within its means. They are looking for a government that will do what it has to do in their lives and in their businesses.

There is no way any family or any business can continue to go deeper and deeper in debt year after year and survive. The people in Quebec are looking for politicians with integrity who will say what they mean and mean what they say. The tragedy of broken promises has created a level of cynicism which has to be overcome all across Canada.

They are looking for a change in the process. They are looking for changes with the government being more responsive to the needs and demands of the people. They want to have a say in what is going on in Ottawa, not just hear the voice of Ottawa in the ridings. They want a change in the process. Freer votes, referenda and recall are all issues which the people of Quebec would support as well as the rest of Canadians. As I said in another speech, if you want trust you have to give trust. We have to do that to return to the level of trust that has been lost. I am sure the people of Quebec are no different from other Canadians in wanting safer streets, safer homes and safer communities.

This motion highlights several bills and I would like to deal with two of them, the budget bill, Bill C-76, and Bill C-88, that deals with interprovincial trade barriers. In those two bills the government missed an opportunity and failed to unite Canada and to address the barriers which exist. I would like to highlight where the government went wrong and what should be done to restore Canada as a united nation.

The budget was wrong. It failed dismally in addressing the deficit and the debt, which are the most serious problems Canada has today. I was very disturbed and disappointed by the Bloc response to the budget. Apparently Bloc members still do not understand and appreciate the fact that the deficit and the debt are the major problems in Canada. What I heard was: "It is not really a problem. It is not too serious. All we have to do is trim a bit of government fat. Whatever we do, we should not touch the social programs because they are sacred".

I would suggest that with a $600 billion debt, overspending of $25 billion a year and interest payments approaching $52 billion, all programs have to be looked at thoroughly. It cannot be done simply by trimming government fat or by going after the social programs. All areas of government spending must be addressed. The spending which has been taking place in social programs, because they represent such a huge portion of the total spending envelope, absolutely has to be addressed.

The message is that Canada has a spending problem, not a revenue problem. Canadians from coast to coast understand that. They were ready for the budget. When I say coast to coast I am including the people of the province of Quebec. They understand the magnitude of the problem. They understand that living beyond our means has to come to an end. There will be some pain associated with it, but that is facing reality. To suggest that the deficit might be tackled by getting delinquent taxpayers to pay the tax dollars they owe is a flight in fantasy. It nowhere nearly approaches our enormous debt.

It is interesting that Moody's, the bond rating agency which fired a warning shot across the bow of the finance minister before the budget came out is not Conservative, Liberal, Reform or Bloc. Moody's is non-political and was, as a bond rating agency, in my estimation, doing us a favour. It was sending a warning to the government about the seriousness of the overspending problem.

What did we do? We shot the messenger. The messenger was not telling us what we wanted to hear. In reality the messenger was giving us good fiscal advice to get our house in order and to get it in order quickly. It did that in advance of the budget because there were two messages which it wanted the government to get.

The first message was that 3 per cent of GDP is too low a target. It is easy and it will not fly with the investors that have been buying our bonds. The second part of the message was that it wanted a date set when Canada was going to achieve a balanced budget. Rolling two-year targets that the government hopes to meet will not fly with the people who have been buying our bonds. They want to know how and when Canada will balance its budget. No reasonable banker and no reasonable Canadian would expect less.

The downgrade which Moody's threatened before the budget was introduced, as we know now, happened. The budget which could have united us did not. In fact, it is doing more damage to the country as we are going deeper and deeper into debt. The downgrade has not really taken effect yet but it will down the road. It will have a very dramatic effect on the rate of interest paid to finance our bonds. Every 1 per cent increase in those interest rates costs Canadian taxpayers in the first year of borrowing an extra $1.7 billion. The impact of that downgrade is very significant and does not look well for the future.

The budget has been passed on the assumption that interest rates will remain fairly stable. That is a very dangerous assumption. It does not take into account the possibility of a downturn in the economy which we know is coming. It is not a matter of if it is going to come. Economies go up and down and Canada could very well be into a downturn in the economy now and is very poorly positioned to deal with it.

Canadians know there are three ways to balance the books in Ottawa. One is to raise taxes. The second is to hope for growth in the economy and the third is to cut spending.

Canadians from coast to coast are not prepared to pay any more taxes. Again, the people in Quebec are no different from the people in every other province who are taxed to the limit.

That is not an avenue that the government should explore to raise funds in order to balance the books.

Growth in the economy is an area the Liberals look at through rose coloured glasses, hoping that there would be greater growth in the economy than actually happens. The downside of that is when the economy does not grow. In fact our deficit and debt has increased, it has not been reduced.

Going back to taxes for a moment, taxes right across Canada are counterproductive. The more taxes are increased, the more the underground economy is fuelled. As huge as it is now, it will only grow by any attempt at an additional tax grab.

The area that we have complete control over is spending. That is where the government missed with this budget. It did not go after the reductions in spending to get the books in balance so that there would be no new and increased taxes.

The government likes to say that it inherited the problem. I suggest that it initiated the problem. I go back to the years 1963 to 1984 when the debt rose from $20 billion to just about $200 billion when it left office.

Unfortunately, the Conservatives took office and in their years from 1984 to 1993 the debt increased from $200 billion to some $490 billion. It is interesting that some of the Bloc members today were actually sitting with the Conservative government and were allowing that debt hole to continue to go as deep as it did.

It is also interesting to recall that very little was done by government members when they were in opposition to support any of the attempts that were made to get spending under control. For them to say that they inherited the debt is not quite factual. They initiated the problem several years ago that put us in the mess we are in today.

In 1993 when the Liberals presented their first budget, they still had no idea of the magnitude of the problem. The message we got then was: "Be happy, don't worry. This deficit and debt are not serious. We are not going to do anything". In fact they did nothing.

I should not say that nothing was done but what was done was unbelievable in the short time after the budget. The Bloc was part of this. They gave in to the smugglers. They gave away $350 million in taxes that Canadians could ill afford then and certainly could not afford today. That is aside from the additional health costs that are down the road because of that very foolish move on the part of the government.

What has been learned since is that the forecast of $350 million, which should not have surprised us because they are not good with numbers, turned out to be something like $800 or $850 million. It cost nearly a billion dollars to give in to the bad guys, the smugglers. It is unbelievable given the fiscal position we are in.

What happened in 1994? We had an admission that the problem was serious. Now the finance minister is saying that this is a serious problem. It may even be life threatening. Unfortunately he does not have a solution.

They have some plans for these rolling targets. At the end of this first rolling target the government will still be overspending by $25 billion a year and will be $600 billion in debt. When it addresses the next budget it will be trying to shoehorn in $52 billion in interest payments.

If members think this budget was difficult, try the next one, where the government will be trying to find a way to accommodate $52 billion in interest payments without any significant cuts. I would suggest it cannot be done.

Canadians in every province want fiscal sanity in this place and that is not what Bill C-76 gave us. They are not looking for pie in the sky. They know what has to be done. They are looking for reality and they are prepared to support a government that will give it to them.

Let me speak for a moment on Bill C-88 concerning interprovincial trade barriers. It is a bill that could have meant a great deal to uniting the country but it missed the mark completely. It was a great opportunity to bring down the walls that are dividing us east to west.

In spite of the barriers there is about $146 billion in trade between the provinces. It was the Canadian Manufacturers' Association that said those barriers are costing taxpayers $6 billion and hundreds of thousands of jobs.

Canada can trade north-south with free trade but it still cannot trade east-west. Bill C-88 did nothing to really address that. It just touched lightly on some areas but did not get into the real meat of the barriers that are there.

Free trade is talked about as the salvation of Canada. If it was not for free trade, our exports would be in a much sadder condition than they are presently. Free trade was violently opposed by the current government when it was in opposition. Today it is proving to be its salvation.

The federal government has a responsibility for breaking down the barriers to interprovincial trade but it has abdicated the responsibility. Those walls must be broken down because those barriers are interfering with the interaction of governments and deterring the development of culture between the different provinces.

The provinces have always been able to negotiate bilateral trade agreements. As a matter of fact one was negotiated between Quebec and Ontario regarding the construction trades. Both provinces worked that out and it was a model which showed those things could be worked out across Canada.

Bill C-88 as it is now discourages international investors from coming into all the provinces and creating employment. Years were spent negotiating GATT. The Department of Finance estimated it represents about a .04 per cent increase in Canada's gross domestic product. Yet the Fraser Institute said that if interprovincial trade barriers could be broken down the GDP could be increased anywhere from 2 per cent to 6 per cent. All this time has been spent negotiating GATT for .04 per cent when if something was done about internal barriers a much more significant improvement could be made in the GDP. This would translate into jobs that are sorely needed in the economy. As I said, it would strengthen our economic, political and cultural ties.

These barriers cause lost jobs in every province resulting in higher taxes and making us less competitive in the global economy. If we really want to benefit from north-south free trade, we can only do it by maximizing trade east-west as well. Again, it is the me mentality that exists which must be broken down. It has to give way to the we mentality.

In closing, I would like to say that with 205 new members in the House we have a great opportunity to resolve the problems in the country. We do have problems. There is no denying that. We are a family and all families must give and take. In every successful marriage it is give and take. It is never all one way if it is to be a successful and happy marriage. Working together we can fix it. We can make Canada a better place for all Canadians.

Indeed, Canada is worth fighting for. I intend to fight for it as hard as I can, as hard as I know how. I want to do that because my grandchildren are counting on me to do that.

Liberal Party Of Canada May 30th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, in the next couple of weeks members across the way face a critical test that will characterize the very essence of their stay in Ottawa. They must decide if they are here to serve their constituents or they are here to serve their party masters.

The Liberal red book promised free votes. The 35th Parliament has yet to have one government bill open to a free vote.

In the next few weeks votes on bills as diverse as the sentencing bill, the employment equity bill and the gun registration bill are all due. Free votes are clearly called. Liberal members have been told their party comes first. History however tells another tale and I urge Liberal MPs to vote with their constituents.

The next few weeks will be interesting indeed. The very definition of parliamentary democracy is at stake. Hopefully the voice of the majority of Canadians will be the one that Liberal members listen to.

Agreement On Internal Trade Implementation Act May 29th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, this afternoon I will finish the speech I started a couple of weeks ago on Bill C-88, an act to implement an agreement on internal trade.

Just to set the stage, Bill C-88 is like Bill C-85, which is the bill dealing with pension reform. There is a lot more fluff than real substance in this bill. Indeed it is another failure to deal with the serious problems that we have in Canada.

Past federal governments have preoccupied themselves with provincial concerns such as social programs. They have spent time rewriting our Constitution over and over while failing to live by the one already in place. They have stepped on provinces, taken their resource revenues and used them to fund their grant infrastructure projects, but they have not enforced the constitutional provisions which require free trade among provinces.

The federal government has also been and continues to be the instigator or accomplice in a number of interprovincial barriers. Because of various fiscal transfer programs such as regional development and block funding, Ottawa manages to hide the true costs to provincial residents of the barriers their provinces have erected.

If jobs are killed in one province due to barriers, then federal welfare dollars and federal grants to inefficient business help to alleviate the fiscal pain that a province would otherwise suffer. In fact, the more inefficient a province is, the more it is compensated by Ottawa. There is no incentive here for a province to correct its mistakes.

Ottawa also inhibits the free movement of labour. The unemployment insurance scheme the Liberals so cherish has provided incentives for the unemployed to remain in place rather than moving to regions where jobs are more plentiful. This is indisputably borne out by the facts.

For example, our Atlantic provinces continue to suffer from chronic higher unemployment than the rest of the country. This is due in most part to the incentive provided by unemployment insurance for the unemployed to remain in place. The problem is especially severe because in regions that do not fare worse than others, the federal government has increased the benefits available, sinking those who use the benefits further into dependency on the government.

We have been hearing for a long time now about social program reform and the wonderful job our human resources development minister is doing, but we have yet to see meaningful changes to the system that will actually give a hand up to Canadians rather than just a hand out. When this happens, consumers will see more clearly that certain provincial policies have worked to their detriment and that eliminating barriers is in everyone's best interests.

It is long past time for the federal government to take leadership on these issues. This problem is costing the economy billions of dollars and thousands of jobs. Yes, the Liberals were given a mandate to govern using the methods they find most appropriate, but this was based on a series of promised outcomes contained in the red book, most of which have been broken.

The red ink book promised: "A Liberal government will be committed to the elimination of interprovincial trade barriers within Canada and will address this issue urgently". Where is the elimination of trade barriers which was so clearly promised in the election rhetoric? Yes, it looks fairly certain that a few barriers may be reduced with this agreement but as I have already pointed out, new barriers could also arise.

We are a long, long way from barrier elimination. Based on the current pace of progress, we are not going to see this promise fulfilled by the next election. This is the time the Canadian people will have an opportunity to judge these Liberals for their failure to keep their promises. By then the Liberal inaction will have cost billions more dollars and will have prevented thousands of Canadians on the welfare and unemployment lists from finding meaningful employment.

Reformers have the policies and the people to implement a Canada-wide free trade plan. If the Liberals will not do this, then I believe the Canadian people will give Reformers the mandate to do it.

What are the problems I am talking about? Where are the barriers today? Obviously, I am not going to list each of the several hundred, but I would like to mention a few major barriers that must come down quickly.

The first barrier which comes to mind is one that has a large effect on employment in my riding. There is a modern brewery in Simcoe Centre that employs hundreds of Canadians. Over the years this brewery could have employed more people, expanded its operations and even become efficient enough to compete with major American brewers. This did not happen because its market has been restricted by trade walls erected by provinces, including Ontario, in an attempt to protect their local brewers.

The protectionism that insulated and sustained these inefficient brewers for so long will now be the death of many of them. International trade pressures are already forcing smaller, inefficient breweries out of business. Brewing is a $9.6 billion retail industry in Canada so even small reductions in production costs due to greater economies of scale will produce better prices for consumers and a more competitive economy.

To their credit, some brewers have taken the initiative and have used our external free trade agreements to their benefit. As a result, it is now easier to find certain New Brunswick brands of beer on store shelves in San Antonio and Los Angeles than it is to find them in Toronto or Montreal. It saddens me that this is the current twisted reality.

Unfortunately, the success story I just described has a downside at least for those breweries that are not ready to compete. American brewers are gaining more and more access to our domestic beer market through GATT, NAFTA and free trade and will force out those who cannot compete.

As an example, a single brewery in Colorado Springs, Colorado produces all the beer under a particular label for the entire United States market, a market of 250 million people. The facility is so large it ships bulk product 3,000 kilometres to Virginia for canning. Then it is distributed up and down the east coast of the United States. How can we expect breweries that produce only enough product for a few hundred thousand consumers to remain in business? It is difficult to compete with that economy of scale.

I believe Canadians wish to see these impediments to freedom done away with and receive the most efficient and economic value possible for their hard earned wages. Beer is such an obvious area of concern for consumers that I was amazed to learn the industry had been exempted from the provincial agreement altogether. We need to focus serious efforts in this area or risk losing thousands more jobs in an increasingly competitive world.

Another barrier of major importance that must be dealt with quickly is the barrier each province erects when conducting its own government procurement. The provinces have a long history of purchasing from within their own borders regardless of cost. This raises the cost of purchasing.

According to the Consumers' Association of Canada some provinces pay up to 10 per cent more for local products, which in turn raises government expenditure and taxes. It also costs jobs in other provinces because the most efficient producers cannot sell outside their own provinces. Some jobs may be protected locally but just like the brewing industry, these local producers are insulated and inefficient.

The higher taxes affect all Canadians and cost more jobs in total than attempting to protect the local industry they will save.

One writer on economics remarked 200 years ago: "It is the maxim of every prudent master of a family never to attempt to make at home what it will cost him more to make than to buy. The tailor does not attempt to make his own shoes, but buys them from the shoemaker. The shoemaker does not attempt to make his own clothes, but employs a tailor. The farmer attempts to make neither the one nor the other, but employs those who can.

"All of them find it for their interest to employ their whole industry in a way in which they have some advantage over their neighbours, and to purchase with part of its produce, whatever else they have occasion for. What is prudence in the conduct of every private family can scarce be folly in that of a great kingdom".

Adam Smith wrote that in The Wealth of Nations . Yet it would seem that centuries later our brilliant political elite has not yet been able to grasp this simple truth.

The industry minister attempted to achieve a deal on the issue of government procurement but due to the shortsightedness of some provinces their agreement was window dressing only. Crown corporations which do much of the procurement in question are completely exempt from this arrangement. With all the exemptions available elsewhere in the agreement it is unclear if there will be any meaningful improvement in government procurement either.

It is important that we make it a high priority to get the provinces back to the table and to remove these barriers to competitiveness. Interprovincial barriers to trade and financial services create once again a higher cost to consumers, cost financial institutions their competitive position and cost Canadians jobs.

This also affects another major employer of my riding, a trust company which finds restrictions on selling its services outside Ontario. Conversely, trusts from outside Ontario also find difficult and expensive barriers to entry to the Ontario financial markets.

Trust companies find barriers to trade in the different regulations each province sets up. A highest common denominator approach must be taken to selling services in more than one market, thereby increasing costs. A standard set of regulations for all provinces would eliminate administrative overhead,

would produce more competitiveness, would lower costs for consumers and ultimately would create more jobs.

A further barrier to trade is the restriction placed on various types of labour mobility between provinces. This is a particular concern to an area such as Ottawa-Hull which straddles a provincial boundary but it still affects other Canadians in serious ways.

Many of us are familiar with the dispute which erupted last year between Ontario and Quebec on the issue of construction. It was one of many trade barriers which prevented professionals and labourers from offering their services across Canada. It meant that competition was reduced and it resulted in higher costs and taxes for consumers. Fortunately, Ontario and Quebec managed to resolve their differences on this single issue to the benefit of both.

That deal is the exception rather than the rule. It is time for us to dispense with these issues once and for all. For generations we have allowed the inefficiencies of small, protected, regional markets in many goods and services to constrict the economy, hurt our political and cultural objectives and cost us jobs.

Labour mobility is an area of trade which has been opened up between Canada and the United States under the free trade agreement. Once again as with beer, professionals such as accountants and engineers can more easily ply their trade between Ontario and the American states than they can between Ontario and Quebec. If we are to remain a developed country we must keep on developing our resources, especially our human resources, or risk losing them to more developed countries.

It is important to look at other examples of trade arrangements to determine what is best for us. The United States is a good example of a country where wide open commerce between jurisdictions negotiated and enforced by a national government has led to greater prosperity for the whole nation. Barriers were challenged and eliminated in the United States early in the history of the country and it has prospered ever since. The previous example of the Colorado brewery is a good example of the reason that Canadians need the same freedoms.

In Canada we have spent great energy concentrating on our external trading relationships which account for 25 per cent of our economy. The Americans count on exports for only 8 per cent of their economy and yet are a far more prosperous nation. There is certainly a message for Canada in this. We must become more focused on reducing barriers when it comes to domestic trade.

The European Union is a modern day example of a trading relationship which has sprung out of the realization that free trade benefits everyone regardless of language or region. There are some real lessons for Canadians in this. The European Union has not only established free trade in goods, produce and capital, but also has free trade in labour as well. The citizens of any European country now have the right to work in any other European country. Because labour was made more transferable, common certification had to be implemented in a number of areas.

While the system has not achieved perfection yet, it is an improvement in the lives of all citizens. Surely if Europeans of different languages and ethnic backgrounds can achieve such an agreement over the borders of nations, then Canadians must be able to resolve the few differences which exist between provinces.

In present day Canada there is over $146 billion worth of trade between the provinces. There are also at least 500 barriers to interprovincial trade in Canada and each one costs jobs, money, growth and competitiveness which has hurt all Canadians directly. They are forced to pay higher prices for products such as eggs, milk, beer and financial services. They have to pay higher taxes in order that the provincial government can favour inefficient local producers over best value for money producers elsewhere.

These barriers are a problem which can be solved unilaterally in many cases by a determined federal government. Even small improvements in reducing barriers can mean big gains for the country. It is time for us to get serious about dealing with them.

Reformers have written policies on these issues. I will share them with the House.

The Reform Party supports the removal of interprovincial barriers to trade through agreements which include trade dispute settlement mechanisms among the provinces. Should the provinces fail to co-operate in the removal of interprovincial trade barriers, the Reform Party supports constitutional challenges to such impediments wherever possible.

I believe this statement is self-explanatory and I mentioned earlier that Reformers have a plan to deal with trade barriers. It is the constitutional law already set in place to deal with exactly such problems.

Section 121 of the British North America Act states: "All articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of any one of the provinces shall, from and after the union, be admitted free into each of the other provinces". Also, section 91 of the British North America Act states: "The exclusive legislative authority of the Parliament of Canada extends to the regulation of trade and commerce".

It is obvious from these two sections that interprovincial trade is an exclusive federal jurisdiction and the provinces are violating the intent of the Constitution when they erect barriers to trade. A Reform government would do everything necessary to enforce these constitutional principles.

The industry minister stated, after signing the deal last July, that: "Our governments have achieved this voluntarily, not through arbitrary and contentious attempts to use federal powers or other forms of coercion". This statement underlines the fundamental difference between Liberals and Reformers. Liberals, always anxious never to rock the boat or step on any toes, are happy with tiny steps or even stepping backward if they think they can put a good face on it.

Reformers are much more interested in dealing with reality and solving problems. It is plain to see that the provinces are violating the intent of the Constitution. In the best interest of all Canadians, Reformers wish to see the situation rectified. If this means using some federal power or coercion to see fundamental constitutional law complied with, then so be it.

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, also a constitutional appendix, states:

Every citizen or permanent resident of Canada has the right to move to and take up residence in any province and to pursue the gaining of a livelihood in any province.

This right has been successfully used in court challenges to strike down provincial laws that prevent professionals from working in different jurisdictions. Most notable was the case of a New Brunswick accountant who wished to conduct some affairs in P.E.I. Because island law prohibited him from working there, he took P.E.I. to court and won, based on his charter mobility right.

Reformers support the free movement of labour across provincial borders. We believe the government must work quickly to ensure that these goals are achieved.

In analysing the facts, it is all very well and good to say that Canadians have these rights, but what businessman has the time, money and patience to pursue court cases in every jurisdiction just so he can go to work? This has to be recognized as an impediment to the free flow of labour and it is past time for the provinces to remove these impediments. They have significantly added to the cost of doing business and have deterred new business. We benefit our American cousins when we abuse our own citizenry. Many now look south to expand because the walls east and west in Canada are too high to climb over.

Governments, not private citizens, have the responsibility to deal with these issues and to do so urgently, as the industry minister stated.

Reformers find themselves unable to support a bill that lends credibility to the first ministers' failure of last summer. We demand that the federal government enforce the Constitution which contains the necessary authority to allow free trade between the provinces, especially section 121, section 91 and the charter mobility right and to do everything in its power to ensure that all provincial barriers are eliminated.

We also demand that federal programs that compensate for provincial barriers by redistributing wealth and programs that inhibit the free trade of labour be eliminated.

The bottom line is that interprovincial trade barriers mean lost jobs for Canadians, higher taxes and product costs, and a less competitive economy with which to face the world.

As I said at the opening of my remarks, Bill C-88, approving the trade agreement in its present form is a major disappointment for two major reasons. The first is that it fails to give Canadians a golden opportunity to create the thousands of jobs so desperately needed today.

The second and perhaps more important reason is that it is another broken red book promise. This is at a time when all of us here should be doing all we can to restore that lost trust between voters and the politicians. Another lost opportunity, another step backward.

For all the reasons stated, I move:

That the motion be amended by deleting all the words after the word "that" and substituting the following therefor:

That this House declines to give second reading to Bill C-88, an act to implement the agreement on internal trade because it fails to eliminate all interprovincial trade barriers.

Infrastructure Program May 18th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the arena in Barrie was never supported by this member of Parliament at any time. The minister knows that. Arenas in Barrie, Edmonton or Winnipeg never were infrastructure, in any way.

The Minister of Industry has stated in this House that this level of government will no longer continue to subsidize business. Yet his western counterpart, the Minister of Human Resources Development, is attempting to bail out another local industry, the Winnipeg Jets.

Will the Prime Minister indicate what the policy of this government is? Is it the status quo pork barrelling of the western minister, or is it the let business thrive on its own policy of the industry minister? They cannot have it both ways. Which way is it?

Infrastructure Program May 18th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, like many other Canadians, I am a fan of our national sport, hockey, but I am not a fan of taxpayer subsidies for professional sports.

The problems in Winnipeg and Quebec could be and should be solved by the NHL, not the Canadian taxpayers. Private luxury boxes and million dollar hockey players should not be subsidized by overtaxed Canadians.

How can the Prime Minister justify reallocating infrastructure dollars when hospitals are closing and Canadians are risking their lives on unsafe roads?