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  • His favourite word is children.

NDP MP for Vancouver Kingsway (B.C.)

Won his last election, in 2021, with 52% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Business of Supply April 18th, 2013

moved:

That, in the opinion of this House, the government should inform the Government of the People's Republic of China, that it will not ratify the Canada-China Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to move a motion on behalf of the official opposition, the New Democrats, to direct the Government of Canada to inform the Government of the People's Republic of China that it will not ratify the Canada-China foreign investment promotion and protection agreement. In doing so, I rise proudly in the knowledge that we are discharging a profound responsibility to this chamber, to Canadians and to our country.

This FIPA is critically flawed in a number of ways and, if allowed to proceed in its present form, will do serious damage to Canada. In fact, in view of the very serious concerns raised about this deal by international trade experts and others, it would be absolutely reckless for the government to proceed to ratify this treaty. Indeed, I believe that many members on the government side are aware of the dangers this deal presents to Canadian interests and are troubled by the agreement's violation of core Canadian values.

I say this because even though the government has been in a position to implement the treaty for over five months now, it has declined to do so. While there may be several reasons for this delay, I believe that one of them is the distinct awareness that this deal is bad for Canada, fails our businesses, threatens our economic interests, violates our democratic processes and puts our taxpayers at risk.

Before proceeding to outline these flaws and shortcomings in detail, I would like to set forth some general principles that the New Democrats hold when it comes to this issue.

New Democrats believe in the importance of engaging with diverse economies and emerging markets. We support the development of clear rules that give confidence to investors, create level playing fields, preserve democratic policy-making and are transparent and accountable to Canadians. We believe in trade and investment policies that promote and protect Canada's interests.

With respect to China, we believe that Canada should deepen and broaden our economic relations. China is the second-largest economy in the world, it is in ascendancy and there are many opportunities for mutual benefit and synergies between our two nations. Developing a rules-based framework that improves the investment and economic activities in both countries is desirable and necessary. With careful negotiation, it is also achievable.

New Democrats know that an investment agreement done well has the potential to be of great benefit to both countries. However, a deal that is poorly negotiated risks doing great harm. Because the Conservatives have taken an extreme ideological approach to negotiating and ratifying trade and investment agreements, they have concluded a carelessly and poorly negotiated deal. Put bluntly, this FIPA will do harm to Canada's economic interests. Canadians deserve better.

Let me start, then, with a summary of the problems with this FIPA.

It ties the hands of Canadian governments at all levels—municipal, provincial, federal and first nations—and restricts them from taking legislative measures in the public interest. It exposes Canadian taxpayers to huge liabilities and multi-billion-dollar lawsuits by foreign corporations if they feel that public legislation affects their profit expectations. It is imbalanced and lacks reciprocity for Canadian investors. It does not help Canadian investors effectively break in to China's markets. It puts at risk Canada's vital natural resources, including those in strategic areas such as energy, and allows these assets to be controlled by foreign state interests, including state-owned enterprises that serve foreign state interests, not commercial ones. It contains an unaccountable dispute resolution mechanism that allows China or Canada to hear lawsuits involving taxpayers' money outside Canadian courts and in secret: no public access, no public disclosure, no media, no transparency and no accountability. It subordinates our environment to corporate interests and puts legislative efforts to protect our land, air and water at risk of being struck down by corporate lawsuits.

It was passed by the Conservatives with no consultation with provinces, first nations, trade experts, business, labour or the public. Outside of this one day called for by the New Democrats, there has not been a single minute of democratic debate after 18 years of negotiation. Once ratified, this FIPA will lock Canada into these damaging terms for a minimum of 31 years.

This is a major economic initiative, and contrary to repeated Conservative misstatements, a deal that raises concerns unlike any other. It concerns billions of dollars of investment. It is the first time since NAFTA that Canada has signed an investor protection agreement with a country that is a major investor in Canada. Unlike virtually every other FIPA Canada has signed, China is a major capital exporting nation with massive foreign currency reserves.

Let us look at the numbers. Chinese investment in Canada hardly registered in 2007. It was too small to record. In 2011, it was $11 billion. In 2012, it doubled to $22.5 billion. According to the Conference Board of Canada, China is projected to be Canada's number two foreign investor in Canada by 2020, exceeding $50 billion a year. That is in seven years.

Before the $15 billion CNOOC-Nexen takeover, Chinese state-owned enterprises, such as PetroChina, Sinopec and CNOOC, had already invested over $10 billion in the Canadian oil and gas sector and controlled more than 7% of Canada's oil sands interests. Today, over $25 billion of Canada's oil sector is controlled by China's state-controlled firms.

Let me quote an economist, Wendy Dobson. She said, “There is a tidal wave that is heading out of China in the next decade and I don't think we're ready for it”.

She estimated that this tidal wave amounted to more than $1 trillion of investment worldwide to acquire access to resources and technology. Yet this deal, which will involve those sums of money, was rammed through this Parliament without any study, debate or vote.

On October 23, as official opposition critic for international trade, I presented a motion to the Standing Committee on International Trade to conduct a study of the agreement and to call a varied list of Canadian stakeholders to committee to provide their views. Conservatives refused to even debate that motion in public. No study was agreed to.

On October 31, the NDP member for Ottawa Centre rose to request an emergency debate on the FIPA. That request was denied by the government.

On October 2, 18, 24, 25 and 31, members of the NDP rose in question period to request that the FIPA be properly studied by a parliamentary committee. Each time, the Conservatives refused even to address the merits of the question.

Through Leadnow, some 80,000 Canadians have sent messages to the government voicing their concerns about this FIPA and requesting proper study and prudence. Just yesterday, in one day, I received over 17,000 emails after this motion calling for this debate was made public. That was in 24 hours. Despite all of this widespread concern and opposition, the Conservative government has refused to bring this FIPA forward for debate, study or vote.

I want to turn to some of the details of why this FIPA is so dangerous and poorly negotiated. I will turn first to natural resources.

This FIPA requires Canada to award national treatment to investments made by Chinese firms once established in Canada. This paves the way for a massive natural resources buyout and foreign-state expansion of ownership in our economy. For example, I have referenced CNOOC's recent purchase of Nexen, which was approved by the Conservatives. Under the FIPA, if CNOOC wants to expand by buying up other oil interests, it can, and it must be treated by this FIPA as if it were a Canadian company. Any attempt by any government to limit this expansion may be met by a lawsuit claiming damages for unequal treatment.

There is a loophole in this FIPA: non-producing oil properties are not subject to Investment Canada Act review. This means that when oil reserves are present, but drilling has not yet commenced, those oil leases are not subject to any kind of review and therefore would qualify under this FIPA for national treatment.

This FIPA will place Canada's strategic oil reserves, and in fact strategic sectors beyond oil, into the hands of foreign states and state-owned enterprises that do not operate as purely commercial businesses but rather would serve the interests of a foreign state. This locks us into a dangerous path of foreign ownership and resource extraction until at least 2044.

Canadians are opposed to this. Canadians want a national conversation and a policy that makes responsible choices for the wisest long-term stewardship of our natural resources in Canada.

This deal is unbalanced. First, this deal allows both parties to maintain their current non-conforming measures. This means that both countries commit to not implementing any new discriminatory barriers to each other's investors in the future, but the agreement allows both to keep any existing non-conforming measures.

Here is the problem. China has been and is a command economy. It has many non-conforming measures. These include requiring foreign investors in China to partner with local Chinese enterprises, to use local suppliers and to source local goods and services. Anyone who has done business in China is well aware of these requirements. However, Canada, which has been on a trade liberalization trajectory for the last 30 years, has largely eliminated such requirements. The result: Canadian investors are at a major disadvantage. This deal fails to secure reciprocal and equal access to China for Canadian investors.

When I asked DFAIT officials at committee for a list of China's non-conforming measure, they first said that they did not have them, then they said that they were on the website, and then they said that they were not sure. The government has signed an agreement allowing China to keep non-conforming measures in place that bind Canadian investors, and it cannot even tell us what they are.

In addition, this deal fails to include Canada's pre-establishment rights model, which grants protections to both existing investors and those seeking to invest. Instead, the Conservatives have acceded to the Chinese model, which provides very little protection to prospective investors compared to existing ones. The result: again, imbalance against Canadian investors. Why? It is because relatively speaking, Canadian investment in China is a relatively small $4.5 billion. In 2012, China had five times that amount invested in Canada, and it is growing exponentially.

As Paul Wells wrote last September, when this deal was released, quoting an investment analysis: “It will be interesting to see if this is spun as an agreement that 'liberalizes' or opens markets for Canadians. If it is, that will not be true”.

Canadian companies need and deserve an agreement that helps remove the barriers that are keeping them out of Chinese markets. The simple reality is that this FIPA fails to provide effective tools to challenge the protectionist barriers the Chinese government has at its disposal to block new foreign investment in the profitable sectors of its economy. For certain, access to sensitive areas of the Chinese economy by Canadian investors has been restricted, while Canada has thrown the doors wide open to firms from China.

This deal will also expose Canadian taxpayers to expensive litigation and billions of dollars in damages. This FIPA provides a mechanism to Chinese companies to sue the federal government if they feel that Canada has passed regulations or policies that they feel amount to unfair treatment or that interfere with their expectations of profits or future expansion.

Foreign corporations can sue Canadian governments and cost Canadian taxpayers billions of dollars. I would like to emphasize that this is not the Conservatives' money; this is Canadian taxpayers' money for enacting laws that protect our energy security, environment, jobs or public health.

This is not a hypothetical concern. Chinese state-owned insurance company Ping An sued Belgium for $3 billion in damages after its profit expectations were not met after the European recession. Canada has been forced to pay damages exceeding $157 million to U.S. firm AbitibiBowater following the Newfoundland government's decision, after the company closed its pulp and paper mill, to reclaim the water and timber use rights it had provided. An investor-state tribunal has now ruled against the Government of Canada in another case, because the Newfoundland government tried to get foreign oil companies to invest a certain amount in local research and development to create good jobs in that province. The amount of damages that have to be paid has not yet been released.

Other lawsuits have been filed challenging Quebec's decision to place a moratorium on fracking, Ontario's offshore wind power policy and the Canadian court's invalidation of a drug patent.

In short, this FIPA provides protectionist policies for foreign corporate profits and not for the well-being of Canadians, our economy or our environment.

As the South African government put it, “Investor-state dispute resolution that opens the door for narrow commercial interests to...matters of vital national interest” is a direct challenge to “constitutional and democratic policy-making”.

Let us hear it from the horse's mouth. Here is what one of the international arbitrators himself had to say about the exact type of clause contained in this FIPA:

When I wake up at night and think about arbitration, it never ceases to amaze me that sovereign states have agreed to investment arbitration at all. Three private individuals are entrusted with the power to review, without any restriction or appeal procedure, all actions of the government, all decisions of the courts, and all laws and regulations emanating from parliament.

That was Juan Fernández-Armesto, an arbitrator from Spain.

Canadians do not agree with this.

All 50 U.S. states, every one of them, have passed resolutions opposing the application of investor-state dispute resolution mechanisms in their jurisdictions. They did it last year again.

Let us look at the investor-state dispute mechanism in this particular FIPA. This deal changes Canada's long-standing policy of ensuring public access, public disclosure and transparency in arbitrations. For the first time in Canadian history, the Conservatives have agreed to a dispute resolution procedure that violates the Canadian tradition of open courts at the whim of three arbitrators who have no responsibility or accountability whatsoever to Canadians.

I thought Conservatives did not like unelected judges overturning democratic decisions by elected officials. However, in this case, they cannot help but trample down the door and give over sovereignty to three unappointed, unaccountable, world legal arbitrators to overrule decisions made in this Parliament. That is undemocratic and indicative of Conservative principles.

These panels lack the standards and safeguards that apply to judges in Canadian courts. There is no security of tenure for arbitrators, raising concerns about their ability to be impartial. There is no prohibition on arbitrators being paid for non-judicial activities, giving rise to apprehensions about bias and conflicts of interest. Worst of all, these hearings can be conducted in secret, and documents can be hidden from the public.

I have heard a lot of dissembling from the government, so I am going to read for Canadians exactly what the FIPA says in article 28. It states: “Where a disputing Contracting Party”—that is the sued state—“determines that it is in the public interest to do so...all other documents submitted to, or issued by, the Tribunal shall also be publicly available”.

Here is the next clause: “Where...a disputing Contracting Party”—that is the state being sued—“determines that it is in the public interest to do so...hearings held under this Part shall be open to the public”.

If China determines that it is not in the public interest to do so, at its sole discretion, hearings are not open to the public and documents need not be disclosed. What a violation of Canada's tradition of open courts, where Canadians can see justice done when their money is on the line.

Canadians can decide for themselves when Conservatives stand up and say that these hearings will be held in public. I read it right there in black and white.

Interestingly, Canada has made 16 claims through NAFTA's ISDS mechanisms, mostly against the U.S., and we have never won a single case. Neither the U.S. nor China, on the other hand, have ever lost an arbitration brought against them by another country.

I want to talk about the environment a bit. I want to read a section of the FIPA, as well. One would think that when Canada negotiates a deal on corporate interests, it would make sure that nothing in that agreement would inhibit the ability of Canadians governments to protect the environment. Here is what the clause says:

Provided that such measures are not applied in an arbitrary or unjustifiable manner, or do not constitute a disguised restriction on international trade or investment, nothing in this Agreement shall be construed to prevent a Contracting Party from adopting or maintaining measures, including environmental measures: (a) necessary to ensure compliance with laws and regulations that are not inconsistent with the provisions of this Agreement

What does that mean? Why do they not just say that nothing in the agreement would prevent any Canadian government from taking any measure to protect the environment, period. That is what the Conservatives could have said. They did not.

The government failed to consult. Wise governments consult, especially when important issues involving Canada's economy, resources and policy-making freedom are at stake, and especially when we are talking about profoundly large deals that would bind Canada's interests for the next three decades.

Canadians want us to be prudent, cautious, informed and intelligent, yet after 18 years of negotiation, the Conservatives have announced this FIPA as a fait accompli, take it or leave it, without conducting a minute of consultation. Predictably, the Conservatives have been taken to court by a first nations lawsuit that was filed on January 18 because of this lack of consultation.

In conclusion, no rational government that cares about Canada's economic interests, democratic policy-making, and citizens' interests could possibly stand beside such a flawed agreement. No prudent government that is sincerely concerned about Canada's future generations, resource security, and environment could possibly defend this FIPA in its current form. No responsible government could defend an agreement that has taken 18 years to negotiate, that would bind Canada for 31 years, and that would affect billions of dollars of investment without proper study and input from Canadians.

Canadians want and deserve a well-negotiated agreement with our trading partners, including China. Let us take the time to ensure we secure such an agreement.

I urge all members of this House to support this prudent, thoughtful, and wise motion.

International Trade April 17th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, in 2015 Canadians look forward to rejecting the premise of the government.

Let me clarify this for the hon. member. The fact is, Canada already has one of the strongest patent protection regimes in the world. There is no justification for acceding to European demands. In tough economic times the last thing we need is Conservatives negotiating a trade deal that would benefit large European pharmaceutical companies at the expense of Canadian seniors. India stood up to the pressure and Europe dropped its demands.

Will the minister commit to doing the same for Canadian seniors?

Business of Supply April 16th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, there are a number of issues on which Canadians are often ahead of politicians. I was immigration critic for a year and heard a lot from Canadians across this country about what they would like to see in a temporary foreign worker program. It is quite obvious Canadians understand that there is some need for a temporary foreign worker program of some type in certain specific and narrow circumstances, but Canadians also believe in and want a program that ensures employers conduct a thorough canvassing of Canadians first to make sure there are truly no Canadians available to do the work. Second, they want to make sure that Canadians get skills training so that before employers seek workers from abroad, everything is being done to ensure that unemployed young people and workers across this country have first crack at acquiring the skills they need to do the jobs.

The Conservatives have been making fun of the fact that New Democrats have sent eight letters out of hundreds of thousands of temporary foreign worker applications. That is because New Democrats realize that there are certain specific occasions when temporary foreign workers are needed by employers, and New Democrats help those employers when the applications are rejected by the government. There is no shame in that.

What I want to ask my colleague this. does she think that this program can be rehabilitated? What does she think of Canadians' requests that this program make sure that Canadians have first crack at jobs before employers seek to fill those jobs by hiring people who do not live here?

Privilege March 28th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, in Canada and in every democracy, citizens have every right to hold political opinions and express those views by participating in all facets of the political process. In many ways this right is a very personal one and worthy of protection and respect.

As we sit on the verge of the Easter weekend, let us reflect on the lesson of redemption that this solemn weekend presents. As we set to commence a two week break, let us reflect on how we as parliamentarians can make this place a better one. As elected representatives of the people, let us commit to strengthening our democracy and renew our respect for those cherished rights of political freedom that are the cornerstones of our nation. Let us each commit to a better standard of conduct. We, the official opposition New Democrats, will certainly do our part.

Privilege March 28th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, it is with some regret, but also hope, that I rise to speak on the question of privilege raised by the member for Malpeque.

I say “regret” because in Canada, in 2013, I believe we should not need to address the issue of a politician publicly grilling a witness appearing as a guest of Parliament on his or her beliefs, memberships or donations. It is not a stretch to name this practice for what it is: a shameful act of McCarthyism that should properly be a relic of an intolerant and undemocratic past.

I say “hope” because the discussion today gives parliamentarians an opportunity to commit themselves to a better future, one with a higher standard of conduct for parliamentarians and with renewed respect for Canadians.

This discussion on a higher standard of conduct has also been raised just this morning by my colleague from Skeena—Bulkley Valley, who stood in this House to talk about the duty parliamentarians have to truly represent and respect their constituents.

No party in this House can say it has an unblemished record and claim to have never questioned witnesses appearing before committees of Parliament about their partisan activities or beliefs, but I believe this in every case has been regrettable and wrong.

Witnesses appear before committees at the invitation of the committees and do Parliament the honour of sharing their experience, expertise and perspectives. It is interchangeably disrespectful and indeed counterproductive to this process to try to discredit those witnesses by making their personal political beliefs or activities a source of attack.

Like the hon. member for Malpeque, I also agree that it is fundamentally irrelevant to the question at hand.

If we endorse processes that make testifying before committee a prying inquiry into matters of personal behaviour, we risk driving away necessary and helpful voices from our deliberations—

International Trade March 27th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, what is hurting the Canadian economy is Conservative incompetence on trade.

The Conservatives' ideological approach to trade is now becoming totally incoherent. The Conservatives say they want to break down barriers, but now announce in the budget that they are hiking tariffs on 72 countries, including Gabon and Botswana, which are hardly developed nations.

Canadians need a consistent trade policy, one that actually delivers good deals for Canada and creates value-added jobs in this country.

Why are Conservatives hurting our businesses and making Canadians pay $330 million more on thousands of everyday items?

The Budget March 22nd, 2013

Mr. Speaker, yesterday's budget was beached before it arrived, like the S. S. Minnow's three-hour tour or an oil spill ship headed to a Conservative photo op. For the Conservatives, it is full steam ahead on cuts: to pensions, health care and EI.

On top of their self-congratulatory speech full of unrealistic predictions, Conservatives have even introduced new taxes. That is right: tax hikes. In black and white, on page 331 of the budget, there are new taxes on safety deposit boxes, new taxes on credit unions and even new taxes on hospital parking fees.

How does charging people more when they visit a hospital help Canadians? No wonder the Minister of Finance slipped on his new pair of shoes and ran away from the budget as soon as he could.

New Democrats are united against these reckless cuts and will continue to hold Conservatives to account for their mismanagement and deceit.

Gilligan was funny. The government's economic failure is not.

International Trade March 18th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, this is classic. The government will not talk about the negotiations, but it will spin things—for example, that fish will be a benefit to Canada. It wants to talk about the positives but not what Canada will be giving up.

We can reach a deal with Europe that would be mutually beneficial. The EU is exactly the type of progressive high-standards partner with whom we should be trading, but Canadians are not convinced that the Conservative government will negotiate a balanced agreement.

Once the deal is inked, there will be no changing it. It will be presented to us, and we will have to either support it or not.

Here are some specific questions Canadians want answered now, before the deal is reached. Will farmers in supply-managed sectors be protected? Will taxpayers be protected from lawsuits? Will our federal, provincial and local governments be prevented from setting policies in the interest of Canadians? Will the cost of drugs rise, and if so, does the government have a plan to help Canadians who are faced with these increased costs?

Can the government answer these simple questions before Canadians are faced with a fait accompli and presented with an agreement to which they have no choice but to say yes or no? Why can Canadians not be involved in this process? After all, this agreement is for them.

International Trade March 18th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise again with respect to the comprehensive economic and trade agreement. I appreciate the opportunity to follow up on a question that I asked recently about leaked reports from the European Union that suggested that negotiations between Canada and the EU were unfolding in a way that could lead to an imbalanced deal that is not in the interests of Canadians.

The first document stated that the EU list of offensive interests is larger than the Canadian one, and that Canadian services are on the table, while Europe's stay exempted. More recently, we have seen leaked documents, again from the European Union, stating that the EU is aggressively coming after Canadian banking regulations, regulations that helped Canada weather the blow of the global recession that began in 2008.

I have brought up similar issues with the parliamentary secretary before, and he generally says that he will not comment on leaked documents. This could be a justified policy except for the fact that leaked documents are all that Canadians have to go on because the Conservative government is the most secretive of any government involved in trade negotiations, maybe in the history of our country.

I have been the official opposition trade critic for almost a year now. In that time, the Minister of International Trade has never come before our committee to update us on the progress of negotiations, not once. The government does not provide us with specific information about what we are seeking to gain from the deal, and it will not provide any information about what we are willing to give up.

Once again today there was a motion before our trade committee that called the minister to update us on CETA. Once again, the Conservatives made us discuss this in secret. Once again, the motion to call the minister before our committee was not adopted. This is not how transparency is provided to Canadians.

Before being elected to this place, I negotiated hundreds of agreements. I know that negotiations can be done in a more transparent manner. Of course, actual negotiations occur behind closed doors. However, the government could give periodic updates and outline what issues are on the table to the principals upon whose behalf it is bargaining, that is, Canadians.

Trade negotiations are no different. We need look no further than our partner, the European Commission. Those doing the negotiations on the EU side must give periodic detailed updates to their trade committees. Our largest trading partner, the United States, also has a much more transparent process that involves their Congress in a real, meaningful way. Instead, in Canada, we get vague descriptions about a wonderful future where the Conservatives spin fanciful stories of mythical gains. Economists would tell us that these predictions are laughable, and that these claims have been cobbled together by a questionable methodology that is not based on real world assumptions.

On the other side, Canadians are expressing serious concerns about what the Conservatives are willing to give up in order to secure a deal with the EU. There are worries about investor-state dispute resolution processes that would hamstring local economic development initiatives. There are major concerns about the effect of this deal on farmers in the dairy, egg and poultry industries. Will it raise the cost of medications for Canadians and provinces?

What is needed here is transparency in the process so that we are dealing with facts rather than with leaked documents, fear, ideology and spin. Why will the government not give a briefing to this Parliament and Canadians about what is at stake with CETA so we can see this deal before it is concluded?

International Trade March 6th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, here are some facts for the hon. member.

The number of investment arbitration cases has surged in the last two decades from 38 cases filed in 1996 to 450 known investor state cases in 2011.

Ontario has just been sued by an international company over its decision to try to generate a local wind farm technology sector.

Quebec has just been sued over its decision to put a moratorium on fracking in its province.

Newfoundland was sued successfully by Mobil when it tried to have that company invest in R and D in that province.

Those are examples of Canadian taxpayers being on the hook for hundreds of millions of dollars, if not billions. Those are facts and realities.

The hon. member can only babble and gab on with generalities and name-calling. He cannot seem to respond directly to the issue before us, which is this: why is the government putting investor state provisions in agreements that subject taxpayers to damages when the government should be simply making policy in the interests of Canadians? Will the member answer that direct question?