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Crucial Fact

  • Her favourite word was victims.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as NDP MP for Gatineau (Québec)

Lost her last election, in 2015, with 27% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Questions Passed as Orders for Returns January 30th, 2012

With regard to the projected cost of implementing Bill C-10, An Act to enact the Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act and to amend the State Immunity Act, the Criminal Code, the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, the Corrections and Conditional Release Act, the Youth Criminal Justice Act, the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act and other Acts, over the next ten years, divided by year: (a) what will be the total cost to the federal government; (b) what will be the total cost to each province and territory; (c) divided by estimated federal and provincial/territorial costs, (i) what will be the total cost for prison infrastructure, for changes to the Young Offender Act, of the new and increased mandatory minimum sentences, of eliminating conditional sentences, and of increased penalties for drug crimes, (ii) how were these projected costs arrived at, (iii) what was the methodology involved in calculating these costs, (iv) who was tasked with calculating these costs; and (d) what are the titles of the studies or reports done by or on behalf of the government that cover, in whole or in part, the subject of Bill C-10?

Questions Passed as Orders for Returns January 30th, 2012

With regard to reports of sexual harassment in federal workplaces since 2000, broken down by year and divided by department: (a) what is the number of reported instances of sexual harassment; (b) what is the number of resolved complaints; (c) what is the number of unresolved complaints; (d) what is the number of disciplinary actions stemming from complaints; (e) what is the shortest period in which a complaint was resolved; (f) what is the longest period in which a complaint has waited for resolution, including cases still pending; (g) what is the number of pending cases; (h) what are the different classifications or types the department uses to identify these complaints; (i) what is the department's protocol in dealing with reported sexual harassment; and (j) what are the titles of the studies or reports done by or on behalf of the government that cover, in whole or in part, the subject of sexual harassment in the federal workplace?

Justice January 30th, 2012

Mr. Speaker, this government could not care less about Canadian families, the provinces or the territories. This is a "my way or you get no highway" government that obviously did not spend any time during the break talking to Quebeckers about their priorities. If it had, it would know that Quebeckers want nothing to do with the government's ill-advised crime bill.

Instead of working with Quebec to amend the bill, the government is offloading the cost of an ineffective prison system that will cost Quebec alone $600 million.

Will the government stop playing political games and work with the provinces to fix this bill?

The Firearms Registry December 13th, 2011

Mr. Speaker, the data is outdated and obsolete because of the government and its own turpitude. In fact, it is this government that stopped updating the data.

And that is not the only thing. The government can claim to represent only 39% of the population. I would remind the honourable member that that is a failing grade in any school.

For weeks, we have been repeating tirelessly that the chiefs of police, women's groups, victims’ groups and Quebec all want to keep the registry. There is a simple solution to avoid having the matter go to court: give the provinces the data they are asking for, as the NDP proposed in committee.

At the end of the day, what is this government going to defend in court? The safety of Canadians or its arrogance and—

The Firearms Registry December 13th, 2011

Mr. Speaker, it is incredible that we are hearing the same old empty rhetoric.

Quebec is willing to go to court to prevent the destruction of data from the firearms registry. It is the only way the provinces have of being heard because the government is completely out of touch and refuses to listen, in the same way that it refuses to listen to the chiefs of police and victims. And now, to defend its ideology, the government is going to engage in a very costly legal battle.

Why is the government persisting with the wrong approach instead of co-operating with the provinces?

Fair Representation Act December 13th, 2011

Mr. Speaker, that is an excellent question. Since I know the Speaker will be interrupting me soon, I certainly cannot address all the complexities involved in this issue. However, that was what my speech was all about. We will not solve the representation problem simply by adding seats.

There is also the whole question of the electoral process. These decisions are not expected of small parties, like the Green Party or the Bloc Québécois, that are unrecognized or barely recognized, but when a party forms the government it must make decisions. However, it is much too hard for them.

I am proud of the fact that I won with 62% of the vote. I therefore feel I have a very strong, majority mandate from the people of my riding and I am very comfortable rising in this House. When I speak, I do so on behalf of the people of Gatineau. However, if I had received 39% of the vote, I am not sure I could make the same claim.

Fair Representation Act December 13th, 2011

Mr. Speaker, I do not know whether my colleague was here at the beginning of my speech. I say that in jest, with respect for him and his group. I think it is a little hypocritical to claim to be calling for a reduction in the number of members or for keeping the status quo, in order to save money, when that is not actually the question.

Representation of the population should never be a matter of money. It is a matter of democracy. It is a matter of fair play. It is a matter of making sure that people everywhere in Canada are well represented. Is that the case here, and which formula is the best? As I said, it is not an easy question.

Some members are simply taking a position to stand out from the others, to try to get a little visibility, when we know that people's requests and needs are growing. They say they want to keep it at 308 members, but redistribute the seats, when they have 34 members and we know very well that the only reason why that is their answer is that they will not really be affected by the exercise. I find that somewhat shallow.

Fair Representation Act December 13th, 2011

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure and honour to rise to discuss Bill C-20, an extremely important bill about our right to representation at the federal level in this magnificent country of ours, Canada. This is not an easy thing to achieve. This is not the first Parliament called upon to consider the matter, and it most surely will not be the last.

I do not know of any perfect formula, a formula that everyone agrees with, unless every Canadian were to have their own member, but even if that were possible, I am not sure that everyone would be satisfied. In any event, there are basic principles that must be applied. I have consistently listened with interest to the remarks made on this matter. Although I commend the government to some degree for its efforts with Bill C-20, once again, they have missed the boat. There are general principles, principles that must be adhered to in such situations, and in that sense, there is something lacking.

I am sorry to say that I am far less welcoming of the stance taken by my Liberal friends. My colleague from Saint-Laurent—Cartierville gave an extremely interesting speech that attempted to make the Liberal proposal seem logical and give it some oomph. In spite of this, the Liberals’ position appears to be an attempt to win votes.

Allow me to elaborate. In 2004, when I previously held a seat in Parliament, I sat on the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs. I remember my colleague, who was a political adversary at that time, but with whom I shared a vision of democratic reform. Indeed, reforming the manner in which people are represented in Parliament is fundamental to the very concept of reform and of democracy. When I sat on the committee with the honourable Ed Broadbent, he proposed—as part of the review of our democratic life in Canada—that we consider the concept of proportional representation: our electoral process as a part of our democratic life, the type of representation we have, whether we should have one or two chambers, and how many representatives there should be. That is all part and parcel of our democratic process.

I remember that, at the time, it was a glorious thing to behold. In fact, the Liberal party was in government and some parties with numerous representatives in the House had no intention of even considering the possibility of reforming our electoral process, or even of reviewing the electoral process and proportional representation. Over the weekend, I was quite surprised to read that the honourable acting leader of the Liberal Party started to make a number of proposals regarding proportional representation.

What that tells me is that when a party is strong and has a stable and solid majority government, that is the time to think about such reforms if the party really cares about them. But that is clearly not the case, because it is when a party is not well represented in the House that, all of a sudden, it remembers that proportional representation is perhaps a really good idea.

I take with a grain of salt the criticism levelled at us by our friends on my far left. They often rise in the House to propose one thing or another, but having had numerous discussions with all of these members, I know full well that they do not believe in these proposals. If they were sitting on the other side of the House, if they were in the majority, I am not sure that they would be similarly concerned about this issue.

Although it may be a human instinct, quite often we examine what impact an issue will have on us, as members, and that is not necessarily democratic.

The beauty of the proposal we made at the time in Bill C-312was the fact that it re-established or put some teeth and substance into the concept of the Quebec nation, which, in my opinion, should be part of Bill C-20.

As I said when I gave my speech on Bill C-312, we cannot redistribute seats without going the extra mile and asking what was meant by the unanimous motion in the House that Quebeckers are a nation within Canada.

The most important way to reflect a concept in a country like Canada is through its representation.

Over the years, whether my colleagues believe it or not, if the political weight of Quebec is steadily and slowly diminished as a result of demographic or other factors, there will be no need for a referendum to leave because, at some point, Quebec will no longer exist within the federation. I do not believe that we want this to happen.

I repeat that it is not easy to find the best formula. Bill C-20 gives a number of provinces the right to better representation, and in no way am I denying the western provinces' right to better representation. However, I am not necessarily saying that having more members of Parliament will result in better representation. Basically, we should stop focusing just on the numbers and instead get together and recognize that there are things fundamentally wrong with our Canadian democracy when members of Parliament, even on the government side, no longer have any importance at all.

In my opinion, it is a waste of time and money to add 3, 10, 15 or 150 members if we do not change the way we are currently doing things. We will not satisfy the people in western Canada who do not feel as though they are well represented here in Parliament, the people in Quebec who do not feel as though they are being given the political weight they deserve, or the people in the Atlantic provinces who often have to fight to be heard. We will not make anyone happy. Basically, what it comes down to is how we represent Canadians. The work of members has been irrevocably eroding little by little over the years. There are party lines, a Prime Minister who makes all the decisions, a cabinet that often is not even aware of what is happening, members who have to follow the party line and the members opposite who must oppose.

That is what the public is telling us when we visit communities. Canadians no longer feel as though they are being represented. And yet, here we are, adding more seats so we can tell the public that they will be better represented thanks to a mathematical calculation and a complicated formula that gives results x, y and z.

Will that comfort people? Some ridings have 140,000 people while others have 30,000. But we must remember that some members have vast territories to cover, that some cover rural areas and others urban areas. Some are close to the Hill and some are far from the Hill. All of these factors must be taken into consideration.

I think we are going at it wrong if we limit ourselves and simply use mathematics to resolve something as fundamental as representation, which should be something to which all citizens are entitled.

In conclusion, first, I have a number of problems with Bill C-20 because it does not address the issue of Quebec's political weight at all. Second, this bill does not resolve the problem of representation in the west if what we want is to have a semblance of fairness in terms of the size of ridings. Third—and I will leave all my colleagues in this House to think about this one—I have no problem representing 200,000 people, as long as I have time to meet with them in their communities. That is our job. All 200,000 people do not communicate with us. We must be realistic. But we would have to re-examine the job of member of Parliament to truly find the notion of representing the people, which I sometimes have a hard time seeing in this House with all of the gag orders we have had.

Canadian Wheat Board December 9th, 2011

Madam Speaker, I did not hear any yes or no there.

Perhaps the government will not answer the question because it has a habit of breaking the law, as it did, for example, by going over its election budget, in violation of the Elections Act; by destroying government documents, in violation of the Access to Information Act; by sharing veterans' personal information, in violation of the Privacy Act; and now by ignoring prairie farmers, in violation of the Canadian Wheat Board Act.

Why does this arrogant government, which is always on the defensive, seem to think that there is one set of rules for it and another set for the rest of Canada?

Canadian Wheat Board December 9th, 2011

Mr. Speaker, Canadians play by the rules and they expect their government to do the same. As the chief justice of Alberta, Catherine Fraser, said in a ruling earlier this year:

When government does not comply with the law, this is not merely non-compliance with a particular law, it is an affront to the rule of law itself….

My question is a simple one and a yes or no will do. Does the government agree with the statement by Chief Justice Fraser?