House of Commons photo

Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was debate.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as Conservative MP for South Shore—St. Margaret's (Nova Scotia)

Won his last election, in 2011, with 43% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Parliament Of Canada Act June 12th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I have a comment and a question for the member for Fundy—Royal. I listened intently to what he said. I thought his comments were quite profound and quite illuminating. A fair amount of light needs to be shone on a lot of the statements that have been made in this place since 1988 and especially since 1993.

The hon. member for Elk Island said that somehow this policy would change the pension plan for everyone else. This policy would change the pension plan for the Canadian Alliance. No one else opted out. No one else said they would not take it. This pension plan is being changed for one group of people only, and quite frankly there is a term for that. There was some talk about braying, but I will talk about con. I have heard crows on a gut pile before and that is what it sounds like to me. I would like an answer.

Parliament Of Canada Act June 12th, 2000

People lost elections on it.

Petitions June 12th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, the final petition deals with Bill C-23 and is from Shelburne County in Nova Scotia.

Petitions June 12th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, the next petition is with regard to geneology. Geneology is the fastest growing hobby, pastime and business in North America. It has been estimated that more than 7.5 million citizens of Canada engage in the pursuit of their family history.

The petitioners ask for the release of the 1911 census figures. I am pleased to table the petition in the House.

Petitions June 12th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I rise to present six petitions. The first four are with regard to one subject matter. The petitioners would like to draw the attention of the House to the fact that the present tax deduction of up to $1,000 in the 1999 federal budget offered to volunteer emergency workers on income received for their services discriminates against rural volunteer emergency workers.

There are several hundreds of names on this petition from Indian Point in the Mahone Bay area of Nova Scotia in the South Shore riding. The next petition is from the Rose Bay, Riverport and West Rose Bay areas in the South Shore riding. There is another one from the New Ross area where I happen to live. The last petition on the same matter is from New Brunswick. There are several hundred names altogether in these four petitions.

Species At Risk Act June 12th, 2000

Madam Speaker, I will go back to what the hon. member from the Bloc party stated about jurisdiction. We talked a bit about jurisdiction and the importance of recognizing that in the federal legislation. What I was actually talking about was that the fatal flaw in this piece of legislation is that it really does not understand jurisdiction and, therefore, will not protect species at risk.

The legislation passed in Nova Scotia is certainly important legislation but it is provincial legislation. We need to look at a federal comprehensive plan that will encompass all the ingredients of species at risk legislation. This means that most of it will be under federal jurisdiction but that we also have to recognize where there is provincial jurisdiction.

One of the critical flaws in this legislation is that it does not recognize jurisdiction and it does not compensate nor fully understand the obligations, responsibilities and needs of landowners. I say that as a farmer, as a forestry operator and as someone who has come into contact with species at risk. I understand what it is like to have a contract to cut a couple of hundred or couple of thousand acres of land and to all of a sudden discover there is a heron's nesting ground or an eagle's nest.

I do not believe there is an operator out there who wants to abrogate the law, to break it or to put more species at risk in danger. People are responsible but we need the legislation that gives them the tools to do that.

Species At Risk Act June 12th, 2000

Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to speak to Bill C-33, the species at risk legislation which has been brought in by the present government.

Like the other members who have commented on the legislation, I regret to say I am a bit critical of it. I am critical of it because of some obvious flaws in the legislation and because of the government's apparent lack of will and the half-hearted attitude it has brought to this legislation, and its total inability to bring all the stakeholders on side. Not only are business and industry disrespectful and not supportive of the legislation, but the environmental groups and lobbyists are also disrespectful and not supportive of this legislation.

I would like to start my speech with some comments taken from the speech of our party's environment critic, the member for Fundy—Royal. I would like to quote a paragraph from his opening remarks.

Canada has 351 species that are recognized as endangered or at risk. There is no federal law to protect these species. The government's proposed species at risk act, known as SARA, is long overdue. It is a long overdue promise, but it is very disappointing. This legislation is even weaker and less effective than Bill C-65, the 1996 federal endangered species bill, which died before the 1997 election. This new bill is unacceptably ineffective in several key areas, particularly habitat protection. The main threat facing endangered species is the destruction of their habitat, the places where species breed, where they feed and where they raise their young.

I read over the excellent speech of the member for Fundy—Royal. I was quite intrigued with that comment, but I would add one more point to the point he was making. Bill C-65 was brought forward in 1996 and died before the 1997 election. I predict the same type of demise for this legislation. It is not supported by any of the parties in the House and is not supported by the Canadian public in general. I suspect the bill could die before the election in the fall of 2000, which the government has gone to great task lately to say will not happen, which is a pretty sure sign that it will happen.

It should also be pointed out that the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada was awarded an A grade on our paper, “Carrots Before Sticks”, for our outline of an effective endangered species legislation. The Liberal document which is before the House was awarded a D .

Obviously the government has missed out on this bill completely. It fails to understand what Canadian industry and environmentalists are looking for. It fails to understand much of what was alluded to by the New Democratic member who spoke previously, that whole principle of stewardship of the land.

Most people, farmers, forestry operators, landowners, city dwellers, first nations, Canadians anywhere, have some understanding of stewardship of the land. I grew up in rural Nova Scotia and I have a keen understanding of it coming from a hunting, fishing and farming background.

If we are going to leave something in this country and on this planet for our sons and daughters and their sons and daughters, we have to have a different approach to the way we look at species at risk and our interaction with the environment.

The Progressive Conservative Party endorses recommendations put forward by the species at risk working group, a multi-stakeholder association that involved both industry and environmental groups. The group examined ideas for an ideal bill, not this bill. It included representation from the Canadian Pulp and Paper Association, the Mining Association of Canada, the Sierra Club of Canada, the Canadian Nature Federation and the Canadian Wildlife Federation.

Those groups do not ordinarily get together in one room and agree on anything. Obviously they are looking at this legislation and saying that there is a need and how can they formulate an approach they can agree with, that they can combine forces and overcome some of the obstacles and put forward a piece of legislation that will be helpful to wildlife, the environment and Canadians in general.

If mining, pulp and paper and environmentalists can devise a workable solution, then the Progressive Conservative Party will certainly endorse their plan. We recognize that extinction is forever. As a result, we believe that all Canadians want strong and effective endangered species legislation.

The status of a given species is a matter of scientific fact, not of political choice. It is for this reason the Progressive Conservative Party believes there has to be effective legislation that must take action based on sound science. We are also committed to protecting the rights of landowners and users. We believe that no single individual or entity should bear the burden of recovery of any species when the benefits of the species protection are for all society to appreciate.

That is a pretty simple theory. That is not a complicated concept for the government or Canadians to grasp and they should embrace that concept.

It was mentioned earlier that the legislation in the United States has been very powerful in protecting species to a degree, but it has also been a deterrent to protecting species. Anyone who has followed the debate in the U.S. should know that among many of the landowners there are two points which they like to discuss. It is the two s points: first they shoot it and then they bury it, or shovel it. That is not the approach we want to take in Canada.

We do not want to bring in legislation which is so difficult to abide by that when individuals, farmers, forestry operators, mine operators, aboriginal groups, recreational groups and developers come across an endangered species, we force them to get rid of it. That does not work. We have to encourage them. That means the government is going to have to open up its purse strings. It is going to have to find some ways to encourage that, and it will probably be a financial incentive, to protect the species at risk and to build a comprehensive plan around it that will allow for continued protection in the years to come. That is why the Conservative Party believes that when designing a recovery plan, the bulk of the decision making should be left to the stakeholders and not the Liberal cabinet.

There are a few simple points which I would like to repeat. If an endangered species is found in a given area, then the landowner must be doing something right and he should be given all the tools to continue. He should not be penalized. He should not be told that there is a part of his quarter section or his 250 acre woodlot that he will not be able touch from now on. We have to find a way to compensate people to protect that endangered species which happens to be there.

We need to know a few things about the species. Is it a species that is simply passing through? Is it a breeding ground? Is it habitat that they depend upon? Is that endangered species plant or animal? Is it migratory? There are a number of issues and points that we need to better understand.

We agree with and support the recognition for voluntary measures. We fully endorse stewardship as a means of providing protection for species and their critical habitat. We endorse a graduated approach to stewardship with a full tool kit from material designed to engage the stakeholders positively in this process. This could include tax incentives, habitat grants, scientific support and in some instances it may need to include compensation.

The PC Party believes that simply making criminals out of landowners will not save endangered species anymore than making criminals out of law-abiding gun owners will make society any safer.

There are several core components of our species at risk debate: to protect critical habitat; to use carrots before sticks; to form partnerships with the provinces; to have a full and comprehensive scientific listing of species; and, the protection for endangered species and their habitat. We need recovery plans and accountability mechanisms for citizens to ensure government forces act on their behalf.

I will go back to point number six that I raised regarding the recovery plan. We support legislation that commits to a firm target and time lines for designing and implementing an appropriate recovery plan for endangered species, whether they are endangered, threatened or vulnerable. I would like to use for comparison the wild Atlantic salmon.

The wild Atlantic salmon population is in critical decline and the federal government needs to address this problem immediately. People are already saying that it is a crisis situation and the numbers back them up. The wild salmon stock has dropped from 1.6 million 25 years ago to only 350,000 this year. I would state that the 350,000 is probably a generous estimate.

The Gold River in Nova Scotia, which I live beside, is a small salmon river. We used to have a run of salmon come up in the spring every year. It was not a run like the Margaree, the Miramichi or any of the big salmon rivers in Nova Scotia or New Brunswick but it was a great little run of fish. We would get anywhere from 350 to 600 fish in that river. We would see them in the pools 25 or 30 at a time. We do not see that today. It is no good taking my kids down to the salmon pool to show them a salmon jumping up over the falls or coming up the run because it would probably take five trips before we would see one. It is a matter of bringing these fish back.

The Atlantic Salmon Federation is looking for $50 million in funding spread out over a five year period. This would allow the federation to tag, track and monitor stocks and provide valuable insight into the problems facing this species. Many different factors could be contributing to the declining numbers, including pollution and dams, but more research is needed if the wild Atlantic salmon is going to be restored to its former abundance.

The government has had an opportunity to act on this species. I am not talking about all the other species at risk. I am talking about this particular one, the wild Atlantic salmon. The government has failed to provide the much needed funding for raising salmon smolts and the salmon parr for release into our rivers.

We proved through our wildlife and salmon associations a decade ago that river specific salmon did much better than just any salmon dropped into our tributaries and our water courses. The government has known about this but has completely stopped advancing moneys for the hatchery program in Nova Scotia, and in fact has closed it down. It tried to divest it to individuals but most of those hatcheries have since failed. It put a little money into a few of them this year just to get the fish out of the hatcheries but there was no comprehensive plan. Meanwhile the salmon numbers continue to dwindle and diminish.

The government talks about endangered species but, quite frankly, talk is cheap. We have seen that for too many years from this government.

The core components of our species at risk legislation has been explained and debated and put forth at committee by our member for Fundy—Royal. It is critical that we look at protecting habitat. We have to find a non-intrusive way to do that. It is critical that we use carrots before sticks. We have to encourage, recognize and reward stewardship by offering more carrots and resorting to fewer sticks.

Adequate funding, which I talked about a moment ago, is needed to implement activities designed to support the stakeholders in their efforts to recover and protect endangered species.

The PC Party believes a new bill should apply to all lands except where equivalent provincial legislation is in place. If we listened to the debate from the members of the Bloc Quebecois, that is exactly what they were talking about. They were talking about jurisdiction overlap and whose responsibility it was for certain species. Obviously this government has not figured that out.

We do not need another Kyoto where the provinces are forced to pay for a plan imposed upon them by the federal government. The provinces themselves should be provided with sufficient resources to address the issue and to ensure protective and effective enforcement.

The PC Party supports scientific listing of a species at risk and of the identification of the critical habitat required for its recovery. The PC Party believes a committee of wildlife experts should be charged with this task. It should be a matter of science, not a matter of politics.

We go on to the protection for endangered species and their habitat. The PC Party supports the immediate prohibition against the harming of any endangered species or its residence, and the protection of the critical habitat of species through either co-operative agreements or legal measures following a multi-stakeholder recovery plan.

What we do not believe is simply implementing some program where there has been no reaching out to the stakeholders group, that there has been no co-operative effort on and that is little understood and little supported by the people who will be most affected by it.

We need some accountability built into the process. We need a mechanism for citizens to ensure that the government enforces its own act. If the act is to include an accountability mechanism then the PC Party believes that there should be an independent process for the public to ensure the act is being effectively implemented. This process should allow citizens to challenge the federal government and not other citizens.

We do not need to make this act complicated. We do not need to make this act somehow a confrontation between our forestry operators, our farmers and our fishermen. What we need is to bring in an act that encourages the protection of species at risk. What we have is an act that fails to recognize that all important tenet.

Cape Breton Development Corporation Divestiture Authorization And Dissolution Act June 6th, 2000

Quite easily, Mr. Speaker. It is very simple. The days of Devco have gone by. Cape Bretoners, Nova Scotians and Canadians cannot afford a crown corporation to mine coal at a loss any longer. It has to stop somewhere. It is stopping here. The government has made the right decision.

I do not agree with how it has implemented the decision. I do not agree with a number of things about it. We have tried to improve it and not just simply to provoke the government trying to get our name in the paper over it. We have tried to make legitimate improvements to this legislation. We have worked tirelessly to do that.

At the end of the day, when the sun is going down, there will be miners at work mining coal in Cape Breton. Prince Mine will continue to operate. Phalen Mine, I suspect, will be reopened in the upper collieries. There is still potential in Donkin, but there is no potential there if the federal government continues on that mine. There is no support from Canadians and the federal government cannot do it. It is time to move it on to private enterprise. It is time to dissolve and divest ourselves of our interest in Devco.

Quite simply, there other alternatives for Cape Breton Island. If we put the same money into Cape Breton Island that we put into the Devco mines, we would have a lot more than 500 or 600 people working there in the months to come.

Cape Breton Development Corporation Divestiture Authorization And Dissolution Act June 6th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak to Bill C-11, the Cape Breton Development Corporation divestiture authorization and dissolution act.

The government announced in January last year that it was going to sell the assets of Cape Breton Development Corporation which is more commonly referred to as Devco. The government stated that this decision was necessary for economic and financial reasons. Devco has not had a prosperous financial history having survived in some cases only due to subsidization provided by the federal government, subsidies that have culminated in more than $1.5 billion being spent in Cape Breton Island.

That sounds like a lot of money and I would certainly agree that it is. What that figure does not tell us is the peripheral effect that this money provided to the people of Nova Scotia and in particular to the island of Cape Breton.

At committee we heard from the mayor of the Cape Breton Regional Municipality, David Muise, and he put some of the figures into perspective for us. For instance, the federal government set aside $68 million for economic development when it announced the privatization of Devco. However, according to Mr. Muise the region will be losing $65 million in purchasing power and a loss of $1.5 million paid in lieu of taxes by the corporation. When we put that in perspective, the $68 million is not quite the figure it sounds like.

Other groups also told us about the hardship that the closure of the coal mines will have on the workers and their families. The Phalen mine was closed earlier than anticipated and no information is being released about the potential buyer for the Prince mine, but the federal government has optimistically said that there will be employment for 500 people. That leaves more than 1,100 people without jobs. Many of the witnesses before the committee questioned whether even those 500 jobs would be available.

Let me go back to what the mayor had to say at committee. He told us that his municipality is 2,600 square kilometres with a population of 117,000 at the last census, but it was losing young people at a rate of 1,000 per year. One thousand young people are leaving the municipality of Cape Breton per year because they do not see a future for them on the island of Cape Breton. The official unemployment rate is 20%, but the reality of that number is really much higher, some say as high as 40% and the poverty rate is 25%.

The economic reality facing the miners in Cape Breton is bleak. This was reinforced by presentations from groups such as United Families and Northside Future. It was also the reason I put forward amendments at committee to try and secure better pension packages for the miners and improve medical benefits for miners and families. Benefits are needed by miners who suffer from black lung disease, a condition that results from years spent underground breathing in coal dust. Neither of these amendments were successful.

I should make it clear that the Progressive Conservative Party supports the removal of the federal government from the coal mining industry in Cape Breton. At the end of the day the federal government should not be operating the coal mines in Cape Breton. The past history of the crown corporation clearly shows that the mines did not operate efficiently under government authority.

However, the government must assume its share of the blame for the failure of the crown corporation to fulfil its objectives. With all of the money that has been provided by the federal government for diversification in the region, there has been little success and far too much political interference.

When the crown corporation was established in 1967 it was clearly intended to help the region move away from its dependence on the coal industry. From the presentations that we heard at committee, it is clear that there is still a strong reliance on the coal mining industry for employment. It is also clear that the government has only paid lip service to helping coal miners without any real propulsion to effect change.

The denial of all the amendments at committee and again at report stage, some of which would really have improved this legislation and demonstrated a commitment by the federal government to help the people of Cape Breton, clearly showed that this was a political process.

At the same time one needs to be an optimist and believe the federal government when it says it will try to secure the best deal possible in the sale of Devco's assets and in helping some miners retain employment. It is easy to see why there is skepticism on the part of the miners, but they also know that there is more coal producing potential in Cape Breton.

Prince mine can produce one million tonnes of coal and there is a much greater potential in the Donkin mine if and when it is ever developed. The contract to supply coal to Nova Scotia Power will be a major factor in enticing a buyer while the coal handling pier and other properties of the corporation will be strong selling points and valuable assets to potential buyers.

There is opportunity for development of the Donkin mine and remedial work cleaning up some of the mine sites. The work ethic of the miners shows that the possibility exists for coal mine development, but coal mine development will not be the sole economic driver of the future of Cape Breton or Cape Bretoners.

There is very little information about potential buyers. The only thing known is that local bidders have not been included in the final process. Some of the best minds and entrepreneurs in the coal industry are not being included and given an opportunity to bid on the assets of Devco corporation. Instead it appears foregone that there will be a foreign owner operating the coal mines of Cape Breton.

I want to discuss the amendments that were presented. A number of positive amendments were put forward, ones that would have provided Cape Bretoners with a stronger voice and greater say in how the mining industry will operate in the region.

I put forward amendments to try to enhance the medical benefits for miners who have contracted black lung disease as a result of years spent mining coal underground. I also tried to improve the pension package, to extend it to miners with 20 years of service rather than 25 years and a total of 75 points as the government has intended.

None of the amendments put forward were accepted. The government members of the committee voted against every amendment without regard for the improvements they could have provided to this legislation. Amendments at report stage were also denied.

Last week the federally appointed arbitrator made his ruling public. Bruce Outhouse had been tasked with determining an equitable severance package and pension plan for the Devco miners. In his decision miners with 25 years of service regardless of age would receive early retirement packages. While he refused to accommodate miners with 20 years of experience, his decision will provide packages to an additional 246 miners and will add another $40 million to the overall package.

Mr. Outhouse declined to provide the same offer to miners with 20 years of experience on the basis that it would be too costly, requiring an additional $79 million. We continue to disagree with this aspect of his decision, but both parties went to binding arbitration in good faith and certainly we have to stick by the ruling that was brought down.

His ruling regarding health benefits also added support to changes that the PC Party has been trying to advance. Again the arbitrator ruled that medical benefits be paid to employees for the length of time they receive severance payments.

The medical problems confronting miners mainly result from years spent working underground and inhaling coal dust. It is only appropriate that medical benefits continue to allow these miners some security; otherwise health plans would likely be unavailable to them since it is difficult for anyone suffering from such ailments to successfully qualify.

A comment by Mr. Outhouse summarizes the difference between the way the government has handled this legislation and the sale of Devco's assets and the views of the PC Party. In defending his decision to provide early retirement benefits to all miners with 25 years of experience, Mr. Outhouse stated:

This is a substantial sum by any standard. However, I am convinced that anything less would fail to adequately reflect the long service of these employees and the difficult future which lies ahead of them.

This is exactly the point. The federal government has introduced the legislation that we are discussing here today to provide for the dissolution and devolution of Devco's assets. It has failed to take into consideration the lives of the people who are directly impacted by this decision. Rather than listen to the people of Cape Breton or to amendments put forward to improve the legislation, the government was signalling that it does not care how the people of Cape Breton cope with the loss of 1,100 jobs and how this will impact on the miners, their families and their communities.

The PC Party recognizes that the federal government's role in Devco has been extended beyond the point where it is financially feasible to subsidize the coal operations of Devco. However, the government could have decided on its own that it would provide a retirement package equal to those offered to other crown corporations when they were privatized. By failing to do so the government has lost credibility and demonstrated once again that it does not understand ordinary working Canadians.

I would like to mention the fact that committee and government parliamentarians were lobbied by many people from Cape Breton Island. Members from Cape Breton worked tirelessly on behalf of their constituents, as well as most of the critics for the natural resources portfolio.

I had the opportunity to meet a number of people, all of whom were here for the right reasons. They were all working for the betterment of Cape Bretoners. There are two people I would like to point out and make note of tonight. They are Edna Budden and Bev Brown of United Families. Although we did not always agree on every issue, they spoke from their heart and they worked tirelessly on behalf of Devco miners and Cape Bretoners, with no gain for themselves.

Cape Breton Development Corporation June 6th, 2000

Mr. Speaker, last week the federally appointed arbitrator tasked with determining whether the severance and pension packages available to the Devco coal miners were equitable made his ruling public.

Mr. Outhouse ruled that 246 more miners will be eligible for the early retirement package by stating that anyone with 25 years of experience in the coal mines would qualify. This was in contrast to the federal government's position that only miners with a combination of 25 years experience and a minimum age of 50 would qualify. This brings the benefits package in line with those offered to other crown corporations when they were privatized.

The arbitrator also ruled that medical benefits will be paid as long as employees receive severance payments.

The arbitrator's ruling closely follows what the PC Party has been calling for to improve the Devco bill. The PC party noted the need for improved medical provisions and for more inclusive severance packages. The federal government ignored those ideas, but the arbitrator's ruling shows that the PC Party was once again on the right track.