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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was military.

Last in Parliament October 2015, as NDP MP for Sackville—Eastern Shore (Nova Scotia)

Lost his last election, in 2015, with 34% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Points Of Order June 3rd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the Government of Newfoundland is now in possession of the government's post-TAG policy even though this policy has not been presented in the House. There has been no tabling of a document and no ministerial statement.

The government has broken an important convention of the House that any policy involving public expenditures must be presented in the House first. It breaks with the specific pledge by the Minister of Human Resources Development to develop the post-TAGS policy in the House.

Division No. 158 May 25th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I have some quick facts on the so-called Liberal millennium fund.

According to human resources development, in Canada 45% of all new jobs by the year 2000 will require post-secondary education. This means that for many young people attending university or college is not an option if they want to find work. Despite this fact and despite the fact that the Liberals say they are committed to youth, the Liberals continue to throw barriers in the way of young people struggling to develop the skills and talents necessary to get ahead in a cutthroat global economy.

Since 1995 the federal Liberals have cut $1.5 billion from federal funding for post-secondary education. Since 1980 Liberal and Conservative governments have cut federal funding from $6.44 for each dollar of student fees to less than $3.

Over the last 10 years tuition fees have climbed by 240%. Last year alone they rose by almost 12% nationally, increasing at a rate seven times the rate of inflation. Tuition fees in Canada have reached a national average of $3,100 which surpasses the average tuition rate of publicly funded universities in the United States.

In a 1997 survey of high school students in the maritimes, 40% of students not going to university said they could not go because they could not afford it. The average student debt load is $25,000. That is up $13,000 in 1993 when the Liberals took power. Bankruptcies for students trying to pay off loans are at record levels, having increased by 700% since 1989. Currently 130,000 students are in default. The number of bankrupt graduates is estimated at 37,000. Missing one payment determines default.

Now some questions for them. By the time the first cheque from the millennium fund is mailed out the Liberal cuts to the Canada health and social transfer will have cost colleges and universities $3 billion. It does nothing to redress rapid increases in tuition fees for post-secondary education which have almost tripled since 1990. It would not substantially alter the huge debt load the university students face upon graduation. Nor does the scholarship better the situation for students graduating into unemployment. Less than 1% of unemployed youth will benefit from the government's program to fight youth unemployment.

To add hypocrisy to the mix, very deep within the budget's small print is a provision that stops students from filing for bankruptcy for at least 10 years after they have graduated. The current policy is two years.

We have heard a lot of discussion about the millennium fund and whether it will improve the situation for post-secondary education. Having looked at the document in committee where some of the discussion has taken place, it is quite clear that post-secondary education is in a very deep crisis. One of the reasons that we are facing a crisis with post-secondary education is the retreat of public funding for our post-secondary educational facilities.

Although we have heard a lot of talk about the millennium fund, this grand fund of $2.5 billion, the reality is that this fund will not even begin until the year 2000 and will only help 7% of the students.

The auditor general has some questions about the accounting practices of the millennium fund. Those questions should be raised with the Minister of Finance as well.

By the time the fund begins in the year 2000 we will have experienced cuts of around $3 billion. It becomes very clear that the millennium fund does not even come close to replacing or compensating for the massive draining cuts we have experienced in post-secondary education. This is causing enormous concerns not only in terms of where public policy is going, but also for the impact it is having on the lives of individual students.

It is because of the retreat of public funding that tuition fees have skyrocketed. We have seen huge increases over the last 10 years. There is a direct relationship between the pain and debt load students are facing in the retreat of public funding as a result of a loss of transfers from the federal government to the provincial governments. There is absolutely no escaping the fact that the millennium fund cannot make up and does not make up for the loss we have experienced.

In addition the other really serious situation that the millennium fund creates is that it begins to take us down the slippery slope of privatization. New Democrats are very concerned that with this foundation, a private foundation being set up which will have representation from corporations in the private sector, there will be less and less control of public administration and public direction of our post-secondary educational facilities. For that reason alone this fund should be rejected.

We should go back to the drawing board and say that the real issue here is to support publicly administered, publicly accessible post-secondary educational facilities. We have already seen examples in Canada where the corporate influence on a board of governors of universities and colleges and now on this millennium fund is beginning to have an impact on the curriculum, deregulation of tuition fees and deregulation of programs. All these things are creating an environment where there is increasing privatization and corporatization of our post-secondary educational system.

The NDP believes that we have to have leadership from the federal government. It needs to be the kind of leadership done in co-operation and collaboration with provincial jurisdictions to design a national program of national grants that deals with different jurisdictions and different provincial contexts where there is a clear understanding and a principle that accessibility for all students in Canada is a national standard.

The NDP believes that this is a starting point of ensuring that our post-secondary educational system is protected and strengthened and not destroyed as we have seen over the last few years.

Canada is only one of two OECD countries that do not have a national grants system. We need to ensure federal funding is provided in co-operation with provincial governments to establish a national system of grants.

In the province of British Columbia as well as in the province of Quebec leadership has been shown in terms of trying to keep education accessible for students even in the face of massive cutbacks. British Columbia is now in the third year of a tuition freeze. This has been very difficult to accomplish, given the massive cutbacks it has experienced in transfers from the federal government.

The NDP is calling on the federal government to show the necessary leadership. We have heard a lot of rhetoric and concern expressed by government members about the levels of student debt. There is nothing in this bill that will alleviate the pressure and the huge debt load now facing students.

We need to go back to the drawing board and state clearly that this millennium fund is taking us down the wrong road. We need a national grants system. We need accessibility. Most important of all, we need restoration of the federal funding for post-secondary education in Canada.

National Head Start Program May 25th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, as the member for Sackville—Eastern Shore and along with my colleague, the member for Acadie—Bathurst, I would like to move that the motion be amended by adding after the words “develop, along with their provincial counterparts,” and before the words “a comprehensive National Head Start Program for children in their first 8 years of life”:

—and leaders of aboriginal communities—

National Head Start Program May 25th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, if I may just briefly explain my amendment, it may become clearer. The amendment would be to insert after “their provincial counterparts” “and the leaders of the aboriginal communities”. In consultation with the federal and provincial governments it would include aboriginal communities.

National Head Start Program May 25th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order.

I would like to stand in debate to move a friendly amendment to the motion before us. Could I have unanimous consent of the House to rise in debate to move an amendment to the motion?

Petitions May 13th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 36, I have a petition containing approximately 3,200 names of people from right across the country indicating the petitioners' abhorrence of cruelty against animals.

They are asking for the enforcement of harsher penalties for serious offences against animals and the establishment of an education program for judges to help them understand society's abhorrence and condemnation of acts of cruelty to animals.

Canadian Environmental Protection Act 1998 April 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak to Bill C-32, an act respecting pollution and the protection of the environment and human health in order to contribute to sustainable development.

On behalf of my colleague, the member for Churchill River, my constituents of Sackville—Eastern Shore and the New Democratic Party, we are opposed to Bill C-32. The New Democratic Party is not opposed to the Canadian Environmental Protection Act. We are opposed to Bill C-32 which continues the Liberal policy of devolution and the removal of federal responsibilities for environmental protection.

Bill C-32 is a reintroduction of Bill C-74 which died with the election call last year. I will not speak today on it section by section, clause by clause, point by point. The legislation spans 200 plus pages and contains 356 clauses. I wish to address the reasons for and the basic principles behind the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, also known as CEPA.

CEPA was developed in the mid-1980s when there was growing concern about the presence of toxic substances in the environment and the adverse impacts on the environment from a variety of pollution sources and industries contributing thereto.

This consciousness was not an oversight revelation that something was suddenly wrong with the environment. The move toward and calls for improved environmental protection came from a heightened awareness that man can damage the environment, that man can poison the air we breathe, that man can contaminate the waters we drink and that man can destroy the soil we walk upon.

A key turning point was the publication of a book written by a very brave woman ahead of the times, a book of revelations and thoughts so contrary to the industrial complex and the misguided beliefs that the earth is an endless supply house for our personal use and pillage.

The book provoked controversy. The very idea that someone could espouse such views was considered an outlandish travesty. The book was Silent Spring by Rachel Carson. I urge my colleagues to read it as we embark upon the review and restructuring of CEPA. It paints the picture I believe we are revisiting in the current Bill C-32.

Environmental protection is a requirement. Environmental protection is not an option. The Brundtland statement on sustainable development is not words. It is a practice few countries embrace by deed or implement by actions. It is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.

The founding principles for sustainable development can include some compromise adaptation for different regions or socioeconomic concerns. However there are lines we cannot cross if we are to avoid the mistakes of the past, the environmental degradation we must acknowledge if we are to move forward as a society and protect the environment for future generations.

Bill C-32 states “the protection of the environment and human health in order to contribute to sustainable development”. The environment and human health cannot be considered as separate entities. They are tied together as one. A healthy environment provides healthy living. Rachel Carson identified the link in the basic process through language easily understood by individuals.

Several events contributed to the original CEPA: beyond Silent Spring , the travesty at Love Canal, the accident at Bhopal, the poisoned Beluga whales washing ashore along the St. Lawrence, the acid rain carried between countries and the near loss of North America's Great Lakes ecosystem.

The original CEPA provided the first steps toward recovery, a check and balance between dangerous environmental practices and sustainable policies.

Why do we need the legislation? We were being poisoned. Our children's future was being compromised. Legislation to ensure the protection of the environment which supports us as a species was required. The polluters polluted; the victims suffered and died. By victims we cannot consider man as the sole reason for action. All species suffered: the wildlife, the flora and the fauna.

The original CEPA provided an ability to act to protect the environment, to levy fines, to expose polluters and to support sustainable development beyond the generation.

Bill C-32 has strayed from the original principles to protect and to provide recourse. As science and technology evolved in the past decade, the ability and capacity for corporations and people to act responsibly toward the environment and to demonstrate environmental stewardship also evolved.

The industrial complex has discovered that clean operations equal efficiency and increased profits. The majority of former polluters practise environmental stewardship. This is a fact. It is recognized internationally that environmental protection and sustainable development can flourish together.

Going green does not cost jobs or decrease productivity, a principle the New Democratic Party has stated time and again in the House and across the country. The original CEPA followed a command and control regulatory framework to be reviewed for its adequacy every five years. A decade has passed and we are revisiting our responsibility as a federal government and as members representing Canadians from all regions and provinces.

Bill C-32 is straying from that original regulatory structure and visiting the very policy that required CEPA in the 1980s: voluntary measures and limited federal intervention.

The Liberal government has demonstrated a consistent approach to environmental policy: ignore until an issue climate change and global warming; finances first before the environment or, as my colleagues have described, Environment Canada decimated by resource and staff cuts; economic concerns first and environmental consideration second, an example is Cheviot mine in Alberta; unit politicking and devolution to the provinces, the harmonization accord; international embarrassment for failed targets, Rio and in a few years Kyoto; and global competitiveness as a moral marker.

The Liberal government has demonstrated time and time again that the environment is not important. “Let the provinces handle the problem, similar to what they are doing with hepatitis C. We can wash our hands clean of the responsibility. The next Plastimet will be someone else's travesty. The Swan Hills plant will continue to spew poisons. The Sydney tar ponds, the United States abandoned military sites, the Lachine canal, northern contamination through the Arctic and poisons in mothers' milk, not our problems”.

What is wrong with this Liberal picture? It is not protection by design and legislation: sign an accord, cry co-operation and put the Canadian public at the mercy of economics and global competitive policy.

It took a year for the House Standing Committee on Environment and Sustainable Development to complete the last review of CEPA. Its report entitled “It's About our Health: Pollution Prevention” echoes Ms. Carson's Silent Spring . This massive report contained 141 recommendations to improve Bill C-32's predecessor, Bill C-74.

The Liberals refused the majority of the recommendations and the majority of the 400 responses received by the government during the public review. They ignored the consensus and followed a detrimental path: devolution, voluntary programs and voluntary participation. In most cases this practice works and the New Democratic Party recognizes this fact. There are however bad apples.

The rules and regulations are necessary to ensure that when damage occurs, when environmental degradation occurs, when protection is required, there is a mechanism for redress, a legal course of action.

We do not believe that Canada's environment requires a command and control regulatory framework as the sole parameter or measure of environmental protection. There should be co-operative measures including sharing of responsibilities between provinces and territorial governments, indeed at all government levels, to ensure environmental protection of the highest possible standard.

On a more personal note, my family and I firmly believe that the bill does nothing to protect my children's future or my children's children's future. I encourage the government to revisit Bill C-32 and to listen to the voices out there to improve these regulations.

Fisheries April 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans under the direction of the federal government has failed miserably in its management of fish stocks in Canada.

On the east coast stocks such as lobster, cod, crab, scallops, salmon, shrimp and silver hake are being mismanaged and poorly allocated. The same goes for salmon and hake on the west coast, and yet the livelihood of thousands of families and hundreds of communities on both coasts are in peril.

It is time this government lived up to its responsibility and allocated the resources necessary to compensate the victims of its actions by implementing a community based, comprehensive plan so that the fishing communities can get on with their lives and so that we can rebuild the depleted stocks.

Supply April 23rd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I apologize. I will refrain from using such strong language.

It is only because of my strong feelings on this particular issue. I feel that everybody with hep C in this country should be duly and fairly compensated. With that remark I will end my comments.

Supply April 23rd, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to have the opportunity to rise on this motion about which I and my party are deeply concerned and will be supporting on Tuesday night.

I wish to refer to what we have heard in this House today. We have heard that people with hepatitis C lead normal lives. We have heard that people with hepatitis C who will not be compensated can go the CPP disability route. We have heard unbelievable statements from the other side of the House today that the provincial governments should show leadership in changing the government's view on hepatitis C.

These statements are absolutely unbelievable, coming from so-called educated people on the other side whom we call Liberals. History will prove that this government is probably one of the cruelest, craziest and silliest governments of all time. History will prove me right on that.

It is just unbelievable that the Minister of Health can stand here and deflect like a stick-handler in hockey. Unfortunately he cannot score. He never has and he never will. The unfortunate part is that there are 40,000 people and their families who are infected by hepatitis C who will not be compensated. He stands there and says they have emotional claims. When people die, when people get sick, when people are injured by this disease he says they are basing their arguments on emotion only. He would not know a hepatitis C victim if that person lived in his basement. It is most unfortunate.

I have a few questions to ask the minister, if he ever cares to answer, in letter form, privately or whatever.

Does he agree with his parliamentary secretary that people who do not have hepatitis C compensation can go the CPP route? I know in my riding that hundreds of people try the CPP disability route and it takes years to get processed. In the the end, when the tribunal awards it to them, the Minister of Human Resources Development can turn around after 90 days and deny the claim.

My colleague from northern Saskatchewan was in this House and presented a compelling question to the Minister of Human Resources Development. It was about a young man of 26 years who had no legs and was missing an eye. He was denied CPP disability. If an individual of that nature can be denied CPP, how in the hell can they stand in this House and tell us that people who have hep C can go—