Robert Vincent

[Gasoline Prices, May 3rd, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, despite skyrocketing gasoline prices, the Minister of Natural Resources maintains that an investigation is not necessary. Yet, the former head of the Competition Bureau stated that the legislation did not give him enough power to investigate gas prices.

In view of escalating prices, does the government not think that it is time to give the Competition Bureau real powers to deal with this problem?

[Gasoline Prices, May 2nd, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, we certainly do not mean to suggest any collusion, but here are the facts. In Halifax, for instance, Esso does the refining for everyone. In New Brunswick, Irving does it. In Quebec City, the same idea, it is Ultramar. In Montreal, guess what? Petro-Canada and Shell do the work for everyone, even for the competition.

Should we not start asking ourselves some questions, when the refining profit margin is 20¢ too high? Does this not warrant a serious investigation and an agency to monitor the whole thing?

[Gasoline Prices, May 2nd, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, the skyrocketing price of gasoline cannot be attributed to international factors alone. It also has to do with the voluntary closure of some refineries. A reasonable refining margin seems to be between 5¢ and 7¢, depending on the type of gas. We recently learned that this margin has reached 27¢. This translates into a 20¢ jump in profit. As we all know, the price at the pump is within provincial jurisdiction.

Can the federal government not verify the rate of profit on the refining margin, since this falls within its jurisdiction?

[Intellectual Property, April 26th, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, according to manufacturers and exporters, copyright infringement costs between $20 billion and $30 billion annually in losses. In my riding, Polyform Foam Plastics Inc. holds a patent for an insulating foam, and its innovation has been copied by another company. Obtaining a patent is expensive, but defending it in court costs even more.

Today, in the context of World Intellectual Property Day, I once again call on the Minister of Industry to implement the recommendation of the Standing Committee on Industry, Science and Technology. The recommendation aims to eliminate this scourge by amending Canada's Copyright Act. I also call on the minister to put in place the necessary measures to eliminate the proliferation of copyright infringement and pirating.

This government's failure to act is distressing. It is about time the government acted on this, instead of attacking the Bloc Québécois' work.

[Canada Labour Code, March 19th, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to speak to Bill C-257. I would also like to thank the hon. member for Gatineau, who introduced this bill which the hon. member for Saint-Bruno—Saint-Hubert has masterfully shepherded along. We would not be here today, debating Bill C-257, were it not for the work of the hon. member for Saint-Bruno—Saint-Hubert.

My remarks will be mainly directed to the public and the viewing public. I think that the minds of the political parties concerned, the Conservatives as well as the Liberals, are pretty much set. But it is the citizens who are watching us debate this Bill C-257 with respect to replacement workers who will have the last word. We may be going to the polls again shortly, and it is my understanding that this will be an opportunity for the public watching us at home to punish these two political parties for their lack of action on the issue of replacement workers. Let us start by looking at what the use of replacement workers is all about.

Workers are unionized. They have the right to strike, the same way that the employer has the right to lock them out. They may exercise this right upon the expiry of their collective agreement; but for the entire life of the collective agreement, the only right they have is to abide by the agreement and do as they are told by the employer. We must not forget that, when bound by a collective agreement, one has to abide by it from the day it is signed to the day it expires.

Only once the collective agreement has expired can workers stand up to their employer and tell him that, during the life of that agreement, there were things they liked and others not. They put all aspects into perspective. They are basically without rights while the collective agreement is being negotiated, especially since the Canada Labour Code is completely different from the labour code in Quebec. They are without rights in the context of a strike in particular. What happens then? Negotiations go on for a certain period of time. If they eventually fail, the workers end up on strike.

Today we are discussing the issue of replacement workers. In the Canada Labour Code, the employer has all the rights. Even if the other opposition parties think that the poor employers do not have all the rights, we firmly believe that these employers have these rights. The proof is that if at the end of negotiations an agreement is not reached, the workers vote either to return to work or to go on strike. In the case of the latter, these workers find themselves on the street and the employer has every right to hire other people to replace the strikers.

This is where things get difficult. Why do we want to take up this issue? Because it is wrong that workers have the right to strike, but that they are the only ones punished.

Why does the employer have all the rights? If I understand correctly, the two other parties agree with giving all the rights to employers. Maybe there is something we do not know. Maybe something was said that we did not hear and that made the Liberals change their minds mid-stream. I do not understand. I think that everyone here has the right to their own opinion and that they have rights. We want to protect the rights of workers.

I come back to the situation I was just talking about. These workers are out on the sidewalk without pay. When they are not working they are not being paid, unless the union has the money to pay them during strike weeks.

These people earn no salary during the entire period. This can lead to some friction at home, since the father is not working and stays home. The children wonder what is happening and why their father is at home rather than at work. A loss of earnings leads to family conflict. All of this because of a strike.

What of the employer in all this? In the factory, the employer hires management personnel and has the right to use them to replace the workers, like in any other factory—including factories in Quebec.

The thing is that people from anywhere who do any kind of work are being brought in to do the work instead of using the workers who are on the picket lines.

Imagine, for just a moment, that you are a factory worker and you are not happy with the working conditions of your work place. You are on the picket line and you see a bus load of people who are coming to replace you in your job, often at a salary that is lower than yours was before you left. Thus, you find yourself in a situation in which the employers hold all the cards.

Why should an employer agree to negotiate in good faith with workers when he can do without those workers because the factory is still in production?

The employer never has to deal with problems. What could happen? Workers could be out in the streets for months and months. There have even been cases where workers were out in the streets for years.

During that time, these people go without work and without money because they want rights under a collective agreement and they want to improve their lot. Is there anyone in this world who does not want to improve their lot and their working conditions? We all want to improve our working conditions.

I do not know anyone who would negotiate a pay cut or poorer working conditions with an employer unless that employer was up against a wall and could prove to workers, in black and white, that there were serious problems. Then the employer could propose cuts to pay or benefits. Usually it is during bargaining that workers would make their demands known.

Earlier, I listened to the Liberal member talk about measures taken and essential services. Since 1999, rulings have indicated that section 87.4 of the Canada Labour Code is a provision to maintain essential services.

The June 30, 1999, ruling in Aéroports de Montréal vs. Public Service Alliance of Canada, CIRB File 20258-C, contains 15 references to section 87.4 of the code as pertaining to essential services.

The June 22, 2001, ruling in Atomic Energy of Canada Limited vs. several trade union organizations, CIRB File 21134-C, contains 60 references to section 87.4 of the code as pertaining to essential services.

The March 26, 2002, ruling in NAV CANADA vs. Canadian Air Traffic Control Association and several trade union organizations, CIRB File 21881-C, contains 30 references to section 87.4 of the code. This is nothing but an excuse the Liberals are using to justify supporting Bill C-257.

[Business of Supply, March 1st, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, there are two points that I would like to address.

The minister was saying that he would not intrude by giving contracts to Quebec.

I would ask the member for Beauport—Limoilou to explain to me how it is that the Minister of Industry can say just anything, that government contracts are not private contracts. In the government, it is up to the minister to decide that these contracts are not private contracts. The minister can do whatever he wants. He can give the contracts to anybody he wants and he can tell Boning where to do its work.

The minister took his point to ridiculous extreme by saying that requiring spinoffs in Quebec would be tantamount to showing favouritism. That does not make any sense. He knows that we have 60% and that this is what we want. We are not asking for charity.

I also heard the member say that the Bloc Québécois is getting all worked up. She has direct evidence that this is the case. Indeed, the reason why we are here in Ottawa is to defend the interests of Quebec and we will defend them right to the end. We want to have 60% of the economic spinoffs. That is what we want.

I refute the arguments that the minister cannot ensure economic spinoffs and tell Boeing where to make its investments.

[Business of Supply, March 1st, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, I would ask the member to check his allegations before saying such things. We know that it is 60%. We are therefore not budging and we will not bow down before the Conservative government, as other governments in Quebec are doing. We will stand up for ourselves. We are asking for 60%, we are sticking to it, and we will not move an inch on this issue.

Now, he asked another question: how will we ensure that this is distributed equitably? The other provinces may have something different to say. We cannot stick our heads in the sand. The automobile industry is in Ontario, and you do not hear us complaining like this. The automobile industry is there, and all the money from Ottawa goes to Ontario.

For years, we have been saying that the bulk of the aerospace industry is in Quebec. So, we would like our fair share in Quebec.

Another thing. Let it not be forgotten that we represent 25% of the population. So who is paying for one quarter of this $13 billion contract?

[Business of Supply, March 1st, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, it is simple. In the motion, we are already asking for 60% in Quebec. We can use the percentage of the production for each province or territory. If Quebec has 60% of the production, it should get 60% of the benefits. This is not just an approximate figure. There are 250 aerospace companies in Quebec. That is not one or two, but 250 businesses, of which 240 are small and medium-sized businesses with over $11 billion in sales. This is big money.

Consequently, to be equitable, it must be according to the percentage of production in each province and territory. For Quebec that percentage is between 55% and 60%. I hope that answers the member's question.

[Business of Supply, March 1st, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, I believe that Quebec's aerospace and aircraft industry can hold its own. Quebec ranks fifth in the world and is second to none. Let us not grant contracts to foreign companies when we, in Quebec, can do the job.

It the member across the way wants to ask more questions, I think we can give him the answers he seeks, that is not a problem.

[Business of Supply, March 1st, 2007]

Mr. Speaker, I would like to share my time with the member for Saint-Bruno—Saint-Hubert.

First, Quebec is not asking for a handout. The only thing it wants is its fair share. Quebec's aerospace industry represents, depending on the year, between 55% and 60% of Canadian aerospace industry. It would be only natural for it to receive its fair share of aerospace spinoffs from federal contracts. Its fair share is between 55% and 60% of total spinoffs. The Minister of Industry speaks nonsense. He says that government contracts are not like private ones. Does he not know that a government contract is not a private contract? The minister goes so far as to say that requiring spinoffs for Quebec would be like patronage. We must believe it, we must also see it, and we saw it. We are only asking him one thing: to ensure that Quebec's industry gets its fair share. This is his job as the Minister of Industry.

Quebec's aerospace industry is asking him the same thing, as well as Quebec's chamber of commerce and large labour unions, that is everyone, except perhaps Mr. Charest, who is willing to bend over and to get on his knees in front of the Conservative government. For our part, we will stand up.

The government could have imposed all the conditions it wanted. Since defence procurement is excluded from trade agreements, it can do what it wants. However, it did not specify that there be spinoffs for Quebec. Ottawa is weakening the only real Canadian aerospace centre in Canada. This decision means putting at a disadvantage Quebec industries that, instead of all being integrated into the American industry, are excellent, I repeat, excellent enough to measure up to competitors all over the world and to create centres of aerospace development at home. For a Minister of Industry from Quebec to approve such a bad decision for Quebec is shameful and unacceptable.

There will be 18,500 fewer job-years in Quebec because of the Conservatives. The purchase of the C-17 planes from Boeing, Chinook helicopters from Boeing, Hercules planes and C130Js from the American company Lockheed Martin totals $13 billion, including the maintenance contracts. The spinoffs in Canada should come to at least $9.2 billion. The Conservative government will therefore be directly responsible for the loss of 18,500 job-years in Quebec, the equivalent of 1,850 jobs over 10 years.

At the same time, I believe the Conservative government is turning its back on industry in every shape and form. We need only think of the textile industry, softwood lumber, furniture, and now it will be aerospace. By countenancing this kind of horror, to please their bosses in English Canada, the Conservative members from Quebec have fallen to a new low. By weakening the Quebec aerospace industry, the government is striking at the jewel in the crown of our economy. Aerospace in Quebec means 250 companies, 240 of which are SMEs, whose production is over $11 billion, 89% of which is for export.

Where I come from, in my riding, there are aerospace companies. In my riding, I have Air-Terre Équipement, Automatech Industrielle, Machine-Outils Henri Liné, Placage Granby, Produits intégrés Avior Inc., in Granby, and SIDO. Those companies should be getting economic spinoffs from these contracts, but they are really not sure this is going to happen.

Not only are they not supporting our industry today, the Conservatives are hurting its future too. The Bloc Québécois has long been calling for a real federal aerospace policy. In addition to the usual tax incentives, that policy must have the following objectives: a clear and predictable program to support research and development, a firm and predictable commitment to financing sales, particularly export sales; a policy to support aerospace SMEs; and a military procurement policy that encourages industry expansion.

The Conservative government can keep telling us that the Bloc Québécois can do nothing, but I can say one thing: when the time comes to put forward suggestions and plans, we are right there doing it.

That is when the Conservatives take our plans and ideas and put them to work. Then they realize that the Bloc Québécois does have some influence here, with the government, because it has the right ideas.

Let us talk about the Conservatives' military procurement. In June 2006, the Minister of National Defence, a former lobbyist for military manufacturers, announced the federal government's intention to increase defence equipment procurement by $17.1 billion in order to implement his "Canada First" defence plan.

The aerospace component of the "Canada First" project announced came to $13 billion: $7 billion to procure new aircraft, planes and helicopters, and $6 billion for in-service support and maintenance over 20 years.

The three aerospace procurement programs are: $1.2 billion to purchase four new Boeing C-17 heavy tactical transport planes, plus $2.2 billion for service and maintenance over 20 years. The total comes to $3.4 billion. There is also $3.2 billion to purchase new tactical airlift aircraft, of which the government might buy 17, plus $1.7 billion for in-service support and maintenance over 20 years. The plane that is preferred for this contract is the Hercules C-130J made by the American company Lockheed Martin, for a total of $4.9 billion. There is $2 billion to purchase 15 new Boeing Chinook medium to heavy lift transport helicopters, plus $2.7 billion for support over 20 years. All of that comes to a total of $13 billion.

None of these aircraft has been or will be built in Canada. The search and rescue helicopters were, at least in part, developed in Canada, but no purchase has been announced.

The expression "maximum economic spinoffs" means that the prime contractor must spend an equivalent amount in the Canadian economy, either in purchases or in investments, for each dollar received from the government, but not necessarily in the aerospace industry.

According to the contract, Boeing was to purchase or invest for a total of $3.4 billion, or the equivalent of the value of the contract, while complying with the following conditions: half of the spinoffs to be in aerospace and defence; 30% in technology-related areas, and 15% of spin-off generating contracts to small and medium sized businesses.

There is no specification whatsoever in the contract about the geographical distribution of these spinoffs. Boeing will purchase or invest where it pleases. The aircraft will be built and repaired in the U.S. Direct spinoffs from the contract will, therefore, be more or less non-existent. So will indirect spinoffs.

If, as one might well expect, Boeing depends on its existing supply chain, Quebec should get between 25% and 30% of the spinoff. Boeing has two western affiliates, in Manitoba and British Columbia, and its main suppliers are in Ontario, first and foremost a Mississauga company by the name of Magellan. And this when the aerospace industry in Quebec accounts for between 55% and 60% of the aerospace industry in Canada.

As for the loss of 18,500 jobs, had Quebec got 60% of the spinoffs, the contracts would have generated 37,000 jobs in Quebec. Since Quebec will instead likely see a mere 30%, the contracts will generate only 18,500 jobs annually.

I would like to give an overview of the aerospace industry, but since you are signaling that I have just one minute left, I will try to pick out the salient points I wanted to mention.

In connection with the military equipment procurement policy, the Bloc Québécois is calling for a new policy to be adopted which would comprise the following: give priority to Canadian suppliers; when a Canadian supplier is not in a position to provide the item in question, ensure that foreign contracts awarded generate worthwhile, positive spinoffs in Canada; ensure a fair distribution of spinoffs, i.e. in such a way as to respect the geographical distribution of the industry.

In closing, I would like to thank the hon. member for Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup and read the motion he has presented to us:

That the House denounce the laisser-faire attitude of the government that prevailed in its negotiations with Boeing, regret the fact that Quebec did not get its fair share of the economic spin-offs of this contract given the significance of its aeronautics industry, nearly 60%, and call on the government to provide fair regional distribution of economic spin-offs for all future contracts.