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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was first.

Last in Parliament October 2019, as NDP MP for Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2015, with 37% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Business of Supply April 18th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, one of the reasons we are concerned is this government's approach to negotiating and the record trade deficit it has racked up.

I do not think that Canadians, certainly not aboriginals, trust this government with this type of negotiation. That is why the first nations asked to be at the table when these issues are negotiated. It is important.

The government is disregarding Canadians' opinions at its own risk. However, when it comes to aboriginals, it has a constitutional obligation, confirmed by the Supreme Court, the highest court in the land, to consult them and address the concerns they express during those consultations.

Business of Supply April 18th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak during our opposition day to the motion moved by the member for Vancouver Kingsway. I would like to thank him for the excellent work he does and for giving us the opportunity to debate this important topic. As we have all come to realize, the Conservative government has done everything it can to keep us from talking about this.

Canada has always been a trading nation, and the NDP believes that trade, when done correctly, is beneficial for the entire country. However, when trade is governed by ill-conceived policies and even more ill-conceived treaties, the entire country suffers the consequences.

The NDP is in favour of free trade. We have said it time and time again. However, these agreements need to contain minimum environmental and labour standards, and these agreements need to be in the interest of all Canadians. That is important.

Yet, as usual, the Conservative approach is to sign an agreement no matter what the cost, simply to be able to boast about it. They are just signing agreements for the sake of signing them. That approach is unacceptable to those of us on this side of the House.

We are seeing the same approach from the government with respect to the Canada-China FIPA that we are speaking to today, the bilateral agreement intended to protect and promote foreign investment. As was the case with the majority of free trade agreements signed by the government, the government has kept Canadians in the dark throughout and has not consulted with anyone.

I know that my colleagues in the official opposition, led by the very able member for Vancouver Kingsway, will point out many issues that we have with this agreement. Therefore, I would like to use my time to speak to an aspect of our trade policy, the effect of trade agreements and FIPAs on aboriginal rights, interests and land titles.

To understand this properly, we need to take a step back to the very beginning of this nation. The first peoples of North America were trading nations, travelling great distances to exchange goods with one another. Our ancestors had lived this way since time immemorial and continued to do so after the first arrival of people from Europe. Trade even helped create a whole new indigenous nation, the Métis. Through all that time, trade was done respectfully and to the benefit of all sides involved.

That takes us to 1763, when King George III of England issued the royal proclamation that recognized aboriginal title to these lands. He recognized that the aboriginal peoples of this continent had rights and had to be negotiated with. At that time, this was such a revolutionary idea that the proclamation was actually one of the “Intolerable Acts” that eventually led to the American Revolution. That in itself tells a story about how Canada and the United States developed. While in British North America it became practice to negotiate various kinds of treaties from that time forward in most parts of what is now Canada, the Americans went to open war with the indigenous nations.

At first glance, it would seem that Canada's approach of signing treaties with the country's aboriginal peoples was the better one. These treaties helped create a framework for equality, peace and stability in order to build the country.

However, this method only works if it is adopted in good faith and if everyone keeps their word. A number of treaties have been negotiated to date—but honouring and implementing them is a whole other issue. I will spare the House the details of this part of our well-known history.

When we look at trade and investment agreements that Canada has reached with other nations, it is clear that many provisions of those agreements have a direct impact on the rights, interests and titles of our aboriginal peoples.

And yet aboriginal peoples are never represented during the negotiations for those agreements, nor are their interests defended. This is also true in the case of the agreement currently before us. Canada negotiated with China, while completely excluding first nations, Métis and Inuit from the whole process.

This FIPA includes investor arbitration rights that would allow Chinese enterprises to sue Canada “...in cases where the host country attempts to impose new or updated regulations that may interfere with the investor's bottom line”.

A provision like this is in direct contradiction to section 35 of the Constitution and rulings made the Supreme Court of Canada, which state that the government has a duty to consult and accommodate aboriginal peoples in this country.

An agreement like this FIPA would trump all of that and would be a direct threat to the ability of aboriginal peoples to protect our rights and our traditional way of life. The government does not have the right to unilaterally sign away those rights, yet this is precisely what they are doing in this case.

In response to this threat, in January the Hupacasath First Nation asked the Federal Court to stop Canada from ratifying this treaty until it and other first nations have been consulted. The Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, the Chiefs of Ontario, and the Serpent River First Nation in Ontario are also supporting this injunction.

What is the Conservative response to all this? Silence. Total silence. A stunning level of silence.

I find it quite sad that again we are seeing another indigenous nation in Canada having to go to court to force the Conservatives to simply respect their rights.

This is far from the exception, as Conservative and Liberal governments going back decades have wasted hundreds of millions of dollars every year fighting aboriginal rights in the courts instead of sitting down, accepting what has been law for 250 years, and working toward a resolution with the indigenous peoples of this land.

This case in particular is even sadder, given that indigenous nations of Canada are trading nations, but unlike the Conservatives and the Liberals, we do not believe in trade and investment at any cost. We would never put our health, our culture or our communities at grave risk just to be able to say “I have a deal.”

We would never allow our families to starve nor would we destroy our homes just to be able to say “We improved our standing with another nation.”

We believe in fair trade, in trade that benefits all involved, and that is something that has not changed today.

The government has a constitutional duty. If we are going to truly rebuild this floundering relationship, the government needs to start bringing the aboriginal nations of Canada to the table as full partners. In our trade and foreign investment policies, given our histories on this topic, it would be the most natural thing to do to start with.

Canada cannot reach its full potential without respecting the rights of first nations. It is high time that the Conservatives stopped ignoring this fact. We can do better and we can expect more from the Government of Canada. That is why we oppose this agreement and why we want something better.

If the Conservatives refuse to get on with the task of negotiating better agreements for Canada with our global partners, I would ask them to simply step away from the file and let us take care of it, for that is exactly what we will do in 2015.

Family Homes on Reserves and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act April 17th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, what the women in particular have begged for is to do things right. They did not do it. That is the problem. That is what we are trying to fix. That is what the representations that were made were about. That is what the consultations were supposed to be for, and that did not happen. The Conservatives did not listen to them.

Family Homes on Reserves and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act April 17th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for her question, which is very pertinent to our debate and our discussion about this bill.

In fact, there is much to be desired, even when it comes to contemplating how to apply and implement this bill. In our system of justice, the rule of law is part of our constitutional system. In this case, the rule of law is the government's constitutional obligation to consult the first nations and to make accommodations reflecting the concerns expressed during the consultations.

It is not enough to say that 100 organizations were consulted for hundreds of hours. It is not enough if the first nations are not heard or if the concerns they express during those consultations do not result in accommodations. That is the constitutional obligation that we have towards the first nations, the aboriginal peoples of this country. The government seems to be forgetting this.

Family Homes on Reserves and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act April 17th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, a lot of aboriginal organizations have spoken against this bill. I am including in these organizations the Native Women's Association of Canada. If the member is suggesting that the Native Women's Association of Canada is against women in first nations communities, she is wrong. The Native Women's Association of Canada is right.

When we talk about respect for women, telling women what to think and what to do is not respect, for me at least. We have to listen to what they are saying. We have to act on the advice they are providing to the members of this House, and that is exactly what we are doing.

Family Homes on Reserves and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act April 17th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, today I rise to speak to the piece of legislation before us, Bill S-2. This bill marks the fourth attempt by the government to address a serious problem in the first nations community, a problem created by the Indian Act itself. Sadly, like the first three attempts taken by the government, it simply misses the mark.

Bill S-2 is a very simplistic attempt to rectify a very complex problem that stems from the Indian Act.

On reserves, gender discrimination clearly exists when it comes to matrimonial real property. However, Bill S-2 will be impossible to implement for the following reasons: a lack of financial resources to support first nations governments to actually implement the law; a lack of funding for lawyers and legal advice; a lack of funding to account for limited geographic access to provincial courts; a lack of on-reserve housing; and a lack of land mass that would be necessary to give both spouses separate homes on reserves.

There are no measures in the legislation to address the systemic problem of violence that faces so many women and that leads to divorce. According to Statistics Canada, first nations women are 3.5 times more likely to be victims of violence than non-aboriginal women, and 35% of aboriginal women have already been victims of violence.

Overcrowded housing has been linked to a number of health and social problems, including higher rates of respiratory infections as well as mental health and domestic violence problems.

In 2006, 14% of aboriginal women and girls were living in overcrowded housing—a proportion three times higher than among non-aboriginal women. On reserves, 26% of women and girls were living in overcrowded conditions, compared to 6% of those living off-reserve.

All the statistics I have just read into the record show that we have a serious problem before us. Those problems require a serious, well-thought-out solution. That is not what the Conservatives have brought before us today. They are once again fast-tracking legislation without addressing all of the relevant non-legislative problems first nations women and families have identified. They are showing that they are not interested in a fulsome discussion of this bill or any other issue affecting the indigenous peoples of this land. I am left with the strong impression that all they want is to quickly enact a bad law, just to say that they have done something.

The problems we are facing require a comprehensive response that is led by first nations communities first and foremost. The Conservatives did do some consulting with first nations and the Native Women's Association of Canada, but then in typical Conservative style, they ignored the results of the consultation when preparing the original legislation. As a result, both the Native Women's Association of Canada and the Assembly of First Nations are demanding better legislation, because the consequences of passing inadequate legislation are so dire.

One of the basic problems with this bill is that while it removes some of the most onerous parts of previous legislative attempts, it still refuses to recognize first nations' inherent right and jurisdiction in this matter. As a result, we again have the government telling first nations how they should run their lives, their communities and their systems rather than respecting their laws, their traditions and their inherent right to self-government.

This is the ultimate “daddy knows best” approach taken by the government, and it does nothing to make life better for women who live on reserve.

The Assembly of First Nations determined that three broad principles were key to addressing matrimonial rights and interests on reserves: recognition of first nation jurisdiction; access to justice, dispute resolution and remedies; and addressing underlying issues, such as access to housing and economic security.

Bill S-2 does not take any of these three principles into account in any meaningful way.

My province, Quebec, is a good example of the problems this bill will create. According to lawyer David Schulze, the particularities of my province have been overlooked in Bill S-2. Under the Civil Code, common-law partners do not hold any rights to property, but they would under Bill S-2. For example, a first nations member would have rights to his spouse's home on the Uashat reserve, but she would not have any rights to his home in Sept-Îles, across the street.

The lands covered by the most recent treaties, such as the Cree-Naskapi (of Quebec) Act, which applies to large portions of my riding, are excluded.

Under this bill, a Naskapi would have rights to his Innu spouse's home in Schefferville, but she would have no rights to his home 80 km away in Kawawachikamach, which is part of the Category I-N lands under the CN Commercialization Act and the Northeastern Quebec Agreement.

These examples show the new problems this legislation would cause in my home province alone, and they highlight another glaring problem with the bill: the imposition of provincial law on reserve. Imposing provincial legislation on first nations without their consent is ethically lacking and practically problematic and ignores the inherent rights of first nations citizens. By taking this avenue, the Conservatives are trying to make a quick fix, the equivalent of slapping a band-aid on an injury that requires major surgery. This approach is lazy and disrespectful toward those women who they claim to seek to help.

This proposed bill also runs afoul of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which the Conservatives finally endorsed in 2010. According to the declaration, consultation requires consent as well. While Canada has conducted some limited consultations, no consent was given by the rights holders to have provincial laws applied in their communities. Therefore, if the House passes and moves to enforce Bill S-2, we will be in violation of article 32 of the UN declaration, which ensures free, prior and informed consent on any matter relating to the lands or welfare of the rights holders.

Given the government's view of the UN declaration, I doubt that it sees that as a problem. Maybe that is why, after 14 months, we are still waiting for the Minister of Foreign Affairs to reply to the request of the UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Rights to study Canada. This approach shows why a bill like Bill C-469 is so important and needed today.

We have a big problem before us. It will require a comprehensive approach to arrive at a solution, one that must be led by first nations communities and be respectful of their own laws and traditions. Simply forcing provincial laws that were not written with those traditions and laws in mind will only make matters worse.

Part of the reason many first nations find themselves in this legal position today is that past governments took the “daddy knows best” approach, telling first nations how they should act, behave and govern themselves without giving any thought to their wishes, their needs, their desires or their rights. Today we know that this approach was wrong and a mistake, yet the Conservative government is determined to force us down the same failed path.

We cannot have true reconciliation and build that better tomorrow for all Canadians until we throw that failed approach into the trash can of history, where it belongs. We must renew a nation to nation relationship that begins with working with first nations communities, not dictating to them.

The Conservatives obviously have a great deal to learn about this. They seem more interested in being seen to do something while doing nothing, which is something they do with great skill. Now is not the time for pretending. It is the time to act and do this correctly right now. I hope that the government will take my words to heart, agree, and start to work with us to get this right, right now.

Family Homes on Reserves and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act April 17th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, my question to the minister deals with the government's constitutional obligations in this case in particular.

The minister must know that the government's constitutional obligations to consult and to accommodate go hand in hand. Will the government meet its obligations in this case?

From what I see and based on the correspondence on this issue, the Native Women's Association of Canada and the Assembly of First Nations are complaining that they have not been heard in this case.

Can the minister answer the following question: has the government met its constitutional obligations to consult and to accommodate as it addresses the concerns that have been expressed?

Points of Order March 28th, 2013

As well, he knows that there is not just one first nation in Canada.

Points of Order March 28th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, when answering my question earlier, the Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development said, “...that is coming from a member who says he belongs to Canada's first nation...”.

I would like to give the minister the opportunity to correct what he said, because he is casting doubt on my aboriginal ancestry, which I am very proud of. Moreover, there is not just one first nation—

Aboriginal Affairs March 28th, 2013

Mr. Speaker, speaking of freedom of speech, a few members behind the minister would like to have it as well.

I do not know what the minister expected yesterday when he made a fuss about legislation that does not have unanimous support. The former Minister of Aboriginal Affairs did not do much. He did not listen to aboriginal peoples, but at least he did not come right out and tell them to shut up.

When we talk about rebuilding a relationship with aboriginal peoples, we must do it with respect. The new minister showed yesterday that he was no better than the previous one.

I have a suggestion to make. Instead of changing ministers, why not change their tune—