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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word is orders.

Conservative MP for Lanark—Frontenac (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2025, with 50% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Privilege November 4th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, there are really two ways of slicing this. The implication is that these conflicts were reported to the ministers, and the ministers saw them and decided not to act, which is itself obviously outrageous. The other possibility, which is entirely possible, remembering always the dictum that one ought never to ascribe to malice that which can be explained by incompetence, and looking at the record of the current government, is that it may very well be that, like the Prime Minister, the relevant minister simply never looked at his briefing book.

Privilege November 4th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I likewise very much enjoy my colleague's interventions. I enjoy them much more than the ones from the member for Winnipeg North, if we are being honest about things, although I do not get to enjoy them as frequently.

I want to say with regard to this that I was intimately involved in the procedure and House affairs hearings in 2011 into the purported contempt of Parliament of the then minority government headed by Stephen Harper. A series of charges were made against the government. One charge had to do with the procurement of jets. Another one had to do with an imaginary plan to set up for-profit prisons. This was the issue on which a vote of non-confidence was held. It endorsed the report of a committee that never actually finished reporting. I know this because I was sitting in that committee debating the content of an eventual report when the bells rang, ending our debate, so the vote could be held on concurrence in the report we had not actually finished writing. I think that is what the member is referring to. Ultimately, as the member for Winnipeg North likes to point out, the government was found in contempt. What he does not mention is that in the subsequent election, the Conservatives were elected with a majority and the member's party was reduced to its lowest numbers since Confederation.

Privilege November 4th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I think I have the numbers right, 93 Conservative members of Parliament. I am not sure how this is costing money. We are not paid by the word here. We are not the authors of potboilers. I can only observe that if this is how things work, if it is the case that time that is wasted in the House of Commons is the public's money being squandered, then surely the member opposite, who has taken up more time and used up more of the House's word count than anybody else in the Parliament, owes us all an apology and should let someone else speak for a change. He is up there talking all the time while that entire caucus is gagged. It is him and the member for Kingston and the Islands. Everybody else is told to shut up and sit down. It is no wonder their caucus is so upset with their leader. What abuse, what abuse of a caucus and what abuse of people who have the right under our parliamentary traditions to speak out freely this is. They cannot even open their mouths. I am told that they cannot even get up in their caucus to ask a question without submitting a request first. I can say that in our caucus, which I chair, that does not happen.

Privilege November 4th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, this debate has been going on for some time. We have gone through the original motion and an amendment and now we are dealing with a subamendment to the motion. It all refers back to a previous motion, which was adopted on June 10 in the House of Commons, so I thought it might be helpful to go back and review the wording of those motions to make sure that we all know what is being discussed.

Back in June, here was the question before the House:

That the House order the government, Sustainable Development Technology Canada (SDTC) and the Auditor General of Canada each to deposit with the Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel, within 14 days of the adoption of this order, the following documents, created or dated since January 1, 2017, which are in its or her possession, custody or control:

(a) all files, documents, briefing notes, memoranda, e-mails or any other correspondence exchanged among government officials regarding SDTC;

(b) contribution and funding agreements to which SDTC is a party;

(c) records detailing financial information of companies in which past or present directors or officers of SDTC had ownership, management or other financial interests;

(d) SDTC conflict of interest declarations;

(e) minutes of SDTC's Board of Directors and Project Review Committee; and

(f) all briefing notes, memoranda, e-mails or any other correspondence exchanged between SDTC directors and SDTC management;

provided that,

(g) the Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel shall promptly thereafter notify the Speaker whether each entity produced documents as ordered, and the Speaker, in turn, shall forthwith inform the House of the notice of the Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel but, if the House stands adjourned, the Speaker shall lay the notice upon the table pursuant to Standing Order 32(1); and

(h) the Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel shall provide forthwith any documents received by him, pursuant to this order, to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police for its independent determination of whether to investigate potential offences under the Criminal Code or any other act of Parliament.

This was voted on in a somewhat amended format. I will read the amendment proposed by the hon. member for Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup. The motion was amended slightly by changing “14 days” to “30 days”, to give the government more time to comply, and through the following:

(b) by adding the word “and” at the end of paragraph (f), and by adding, after paragraph (f), the following new paragraph: “(g) in the case of the Auditor General of Canada, any other document, not described in paragraphs (a) to (f), upon which she relied in preparing her Report 6—Sustainable Development Technology Canada, which was laid upon the table on Tuesday, June 4, 2024;”....

Then there was a further adjustment to paragraph (h), which was to delete all the words after the word “Police”.

That was voted on, and in the division on June 10, 171 of us voted yea and 150 voted nay. All of the nays, of course, were from members of the Liberal caucus. The other parties supported it.

This produced a series of reports from various government departments and agencies, which were tabled in the House of Commons as required. The Clerk then submitted the material to the Speaker, who reported back to the House, and it was at that point, over the course of the summer, that we learned numerous departments either had completely failed to comply by submitting literally nothing or, in other cases, had submitted heavily redacted documents.

That failure of compliance was the basis for another motion, which was introduced in the House upon our return. This was in the name of the opposition House leader. The motion is, “That the government's failure of fully providing documents, as ordered by the House on June 10, 2024, be hereby referred to the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs”.

Initially, there was a question of privilege about this. That led to the Speaker's ruling that this was a prima facie case of privilege and also an injunction to us to refer it to the procedure and House affairs committee.

Based on that, this motion was put forward. It was subsequently amended to read as follows:

provided that it be an instruction to the committee:

(a) that the following witnesses be ordered to appear before the committee, separately, for two hours each:

(i) the Minister of Innovation, Science and Industry,

(ii) the Clerk of the Privy Council,

(iii) the Auditor General of Canada,

(iv) the Commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police,

(v) the Deputy Minister of Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada,

(vi) the Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel of the House of Commons,

(vii) the Acting President of Sustainable Development Technology Canada,

(viii) a panel consisting of the Board of Sustainable Development Technology Canada; and

(b) that it report back to the House no later than Friday, November 22, 2024.

I made remarks addressing this amendment about two weeks ago.

Subsequent to that time, a subamendment was moved in the name of the member for Flamborough—Glanbrook to change one of the subparagraphs regarding the list of witnesses who are to appear before the committee for two hours each. The amendment would add “the Privacy Commissioner of Canada, who respected the order of the House and deposited unredacted documents,” and “Paul MacKinnon, former Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet, [responsible for] (Governance),”.

What we are debating now is the subamendment dealing with these two gentlemen. The thing that is striking about this is that the Privacy Commissioner, unlike so many other individuals who were expected to produce these documents, respected the order of the House and deposited unredacted documents.

When I listen to what is being said on the far side of the House by the government members, they act as if it is a horrendous breach of privacy, of civil rights, of civil liberties, of charter rights, of the ways in which we conduct business respectfully and of individual rights here in Canada, to ask for such documents. They say darkly that we will be possibly damaging the ability to engage in criminal prosecution in the future, if these documents are presented in this manner, but the Privacy Commissioner did not think so.

I am going to guess that the Privacy Commissioner did not think so, in part because of the other individuals whose names are on that list. More to the point, the Privacy Commissioner probably anticipated that we would be hearing back from some of these other people. The Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel for the House of Commons is on that list of individuals who would testify before the procedure and House affairs committee. That individual would be able to shed light on the kinds of documents, without getting into the specifics, that have been presented and the kind of information that they reveal and could point out where it looks like the redactions have had the effect of removing evidence that really could not be characterized in any conceivable way as triggering the rights of which the Liberals have such a punctilious concern.

The commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police would, likewise, be able to shed some light on that. Both the testimony of the individual in receipt of the documents, who is not going to be called forward as a prosecution witness and therefore can look at them objectively, without any danger with regard to future court proceedings, and the testimony of the commissioner of the RCMP, who can indicate exactly what kinds of concerns they need to have, are very significant safeguards. In all fairness, their names were not added to the list back when the Privacy Commissioner submitted full, unredacted documents, but presumably the Privacy Commissioner was able to anticipate, as an intelligent individual in his position would do, that this would be the case. That should be no surprise. This comes from the biography of the Privacy Commissioner, Philippe Dufresne, on the Privacy Commissioner's website:

He previously served as the Law Clerk and Parliamentary Counsel of the House of Commons. In this capacity, he was the chief legal officer of the House of Commons and led the office responsible for the provision of legal and legislative drafting services to the House of Commons, its Speaker, Members and committees, the Board of Internal Economy and the House Administration.

Additionally, before that, “he was the Canadian Human Rights Commission’s Senior General Counsel”. If there are concerns about abstract human rights or procedural rights, which are some of the most important human rights, here is a guy who knows this stuff cold.

He successfully represented the Commission before all levels of Canadian Courts, including the Supreme Court of Canada, in a number of key human rights and constitutional cases over the last two decades. He has appeared before the Supreme Court on 15 occasions, on issues ranging from accessibility and equal pay for work of equal value, to the balancing of human rights and national security.

The Privacy Commissioner has far more expertise in this subject than any of the Liberal MPs I have seen addressing this question, and he felt safe releasing unredacted documents, understanding that these safeguards would be in place. That is quite striking; it is quite different from most of the other government agents who responded.

In all fairness, he is independent of government, unlike those departments that failed to submit, all of which report to ministers from the same government whose MPs now say that we ought to accept that these redactions are in the public interest; although, it seems more likely that they are in the interests of those individuals who have something to hide in this matter, and who may well have broken the law.

I assume the Privacy Commissioner understands his mandate. The Office of the Privacy Commissioner has a mandate to provide “legal and policy analyses and expertise to help guide Parliament’s review of evolving legislation to ensure respect for individuals’ right to privacy”. Someone whose job is to do that said it is okay to release unredacted documents and demonstrated that through his own provision of such documents. Also, his mandate is “providing legal opinions and litigating court cases to advance the interpretation and application of federal privacy laws”.

I think these are pretty strong pieces of evidence. The evidence we have from the initial report back on June 4 from the Auditor General indicates very strongly that there is something profoundly wrong with this fund that dwarfs any previous scandal of a similar sort because the numbers involved are so enormous. The sponsorship scandal that took place when a similar kind of fund was set up to be disbursed with very little oversight involved conflicts of interest and misallocated funds on a scale that is perhaps, I think I may be overstating things, 10% of the amount involved here. It might have been less than 10%. Here, an extraordinary proportion of funds seem to have been misallocated. The Auditor General selected, randomly, a subset of all the contracts and found that there were problems in a majority of those contracts, suggesting that the majority of the funds allocated may simply have gone to the wrong purposes entirely. Does this qualify as illegal use or merely as grotesquely inappropriate use, which is not illegal, thanks to rules that are so slipshod and so loosely written that it is almost impossible to fall afoul of them? That is a good question. I do not know. It is probably a little of each.

There is clearly a very profound problem here. We have some guidance that it is reasonable to seek full disclosure of all documentation. I simply am unable to determine what, other than a deliberate attempt at misdirection, lies behind all of the high-sounding assertions regarding procedural justice that keep on being mentioned by Liberal members when they urge us to be afraid of the implications of this very reasonable set of motions, amendments and subamendments.

Privilege November 4th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, thank you for getting my riding name right time after time. It is an impressive feat and I appreciate it.

There was a sort of drive-by smear comment from the member for Kingston and the Islands a bit earlier, in his questions and comments. He essentially asserted that the government is passing the legislation in order to protect people like my hon. colleague here. I just happen to note that in the last election in the riding of Stormont—Dundas—South Glengarry, the Conservative candidate, our colleague, won with 54% of the vote and the Liberals were in second place with only 24%.

Therefore the obvious question is this: Does my colleague think there is any possibility under any circumstances that he would be facing a loss in the next election? As well, given that the bill is all about protecting the MPs who are in danger of losing their seat, in which caucuses do the MPs sit who are in danger of losing their seats and who have almost six years?

Petitions October 30th, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I, too, am rising to present a petition regarding Falun Gong and the organ harvesting issue. I was the chair of the parliamentary committee that heard compelling testimony about this heinous practice. The petitioners call for Canada to adopt legislation to stop forced organ harvesting and publicly call for an end to the persecution of Falun Gong, a peaceful movement that embodies the best of Chinese cultural practices.

In conclusion, I want to point out that Cong Lanying, a Falun Gong practitioner with family ties to Canada, is one of those imprisoned. We also would call for their release.

Correctional Service of Canada October 28th, 2024

Madam Speaker, I hope the parliamentary secretary will understand my point when I note that one of the numbers he cited makes the whole point here: 68 inmates have completed Red Seal certificates since 2021. That is in three years. That is 22 or 23 per year, which is not much in a country with thousands of inmates. It points to the problem that the reports I was citing get at. Our programs are vastly inadequate, whether in scope, which would be the problem going on here, or perhaps in direction.

I would make the suggestion that we could benefit from, perhaps more than anything else, looking at the successes that have occurred in other systems. There are many other penal systems, most of which attempt some form of retraining inmates for re-entry into the community. Some of them, no doubt, are worse than ours. Many, I suspect, are better. We can look at all of Europe, the Americans, the Australians and so on—

Correctional Service of Canada October 28th, 2024

Madam Speaker, I am rising today to follow up on a question from June 17. Admittedly, it was a very long time ago, but the nature of the world of adjournment proceeding questions is that sometimes they follow considerably after the original question was asked. An unhappy coincidence is that none of the issues that were raised on June 17 have been resolved.

This relates to training in federal penal institutions. I asked about non-Red Seal apprenticeship programs, as opposed to Red Seal apprenticeship programs, which I had asked about on another occasion. I asked about non-Red Seal apprenticeship programs, and why CORCAN does not provide them.

I would like to expand on this question tonight and ask if the minister has read the Office of the Correctional Investigator Annual Report 2019-20. There are reports produced every year. I picked this one because it highlights points raised in five previous reports from the Office of the Correctional Investigator.

This report renewed calls from previous years to improve various aspects of correctional vocational training for inmates. There were five calls repeated from previous years, as I have indicated. Number one was repeated from the 2012-13 report and from the 2018-19 report. It was a call for more meaningful work opportunities, including increased availability of apprenticeships and work releases.

Number two, from the 2014-15 report, was a call to modernize CORCAN to retool the employment and employability program in demand areas, including significantly increasing Red Seal trades and apprenticeships, as well as sales, marketing and IT training.

Number three, from the 2015-16 report, was a repeated request for the development of a three-year action plan to meet demand for meaningful work, increase vocational training skills and increase participation in apprenticeship programs.

Number four, repeated from the 2016-17 report, was a request for the Minister of Public Safety to conduct a special study on inmate work and CORCAN. Finally, call number five was a repeat from the 2018-19 report to modernize the CORCAN manufacturing sector to ensure it aligns with current labour market trends.

Will the minister commit to modernizing CORCAN's employment and employability program, as well as CORCAN's manufacturing sector, to better provide inmates with current workplace skills to better reduce recidivism?

Correctional Service of Canada October 7th, 2024

Madam Speaker, is the parliamentary secretary denying that members of the panel sold cattle to the prison farm program, which is an obvious conflict of interest?

Correctional Service of Canada October 7th, 2024

Madam Speaker, my intervention is about corrections but I have to correct something that the hon. member just said a second ago, that our emissions were down 8%. Our emissions were up several thousand per cent last year, 2023, because our forests were on fire. We became the world's third largest emitter. The lousy forestry practices of the government are a substantial contributor to that ecological catastrophe.

I am here to follow up on a question I raised on September 27 regarding a conflict of interest in which cows have been purchased from members of an advisory group styled “prison farm advisory panel” in Joyceville, Ontario. This panel was set up by the Liberals as a first step in fulfilling their 2015 election promise to reopen the prison farm at Joyceville, which at that time had recently been shut down. The minister's approval of the panel's request to include cows in their plan for a reopened prison farm was contingent on the panel's assurance that this would be an achievable goal at “no extra cost” within the farm's original $4.3-million budget.

However, following a litany of errors, the costs of constructing the cow barn have ballooned to $16 million. Thus, it is no exaggeration to say that in order to create a situation in which these cows would be purchased and thereby financially benefit the members of the advisory panel, it has been necessary to spend many millions of dollars that would not have been spent had the project actually been about what it was supposed to be about, which was providing job training to inmates.

The entire reason for reopening the farm, the entire ostensible reason, was that the newly elected Liberal government rejected Corrections Canada's rationale for shutting down the farm. The rationale was that, in the form in which it then existed, the prison farm was not teaching marketable job skills to inmates and thus was not helping them to reintegrate into the community. The Liberals brushed this reasoning aside.

Immediately following the 2015 election, the then-minister of public safety, Ralph Goodale asked Corrections Canada to outline options and recommendations for reopening the prison farm.

In a November 2015 briefing note, the CSC responded that prison farms did not enhance offender employment. CSC pointed out that prison farms are actually counterproductive. They actually lead to less employment and more recidivism because they direct financial resources away from more effective offender training programs. CSC was particularly opposed to reintroducing dairy operations. Instead, CSC recommended that if a prison farm program did have to be opened, it should have minimal start-up costs, no expensive equipment or infrastructure, and must at a minimum break even.

To achieve these goals, CSC recommended small plot farming in lucrative specialty crops, such as lavender and garlic, which former inmates would be able to grow in small amounts with limited capital investment and to sell at venues such as farmers' markets that are open to someone with a history as an offender.

All of this was ignored and, at present, the plan is to hand this $16-million barn over to McGill University. The barn will be staffed by four people, none of whom will be inmates. CSC has identified only two offender positions related to the dairy research and this is in basic data entry. Otherwise, prisoners will gain only generic soft skills from doing groundskeeping tasks such as whipper-snipping. These are activities that prisoners were already engaged in before this project came along.

Why has so much money been spent on something that will achieve so little to prevent recidivism—