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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament June 2026, as Bloc MP for Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot—Acton (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2025, with 44% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Iran and the Middle East March 9th, 2026

Madam Chair, my colleague is of course talking about this regime change, which is a good thing in itself.

Here is my first question. When has it ever worked? In Iraq, for example, did a regime change imposed by an attacking force go well?

Second, during the Obama era, an agreement was reached to limit Iran's nuclear capabilities and control its ballistic missile program. China was there, Russia was there and the United States was there. The United Kingdom, Germany, France and Iran signed it, and it led Iran to relinquish 95% of its uranium stockpile, while providing inspectors with free access to its nuclear power plants.

Is that not a sign that diplomacy does work when an effort is made?

Iran and the Middle East March 9th, 2026

Madam Chair, I have a simple question for my colleague. Humanitarian support absolutely has its place and must be deployed because the situation over there is extremely serious. However, does she agree that, at this point in time, not one soldier should be deployed over there for military purposes?

Iran and the Middle East March 9th, 2026

Mr. Chair, I do not think anyone here in the House can be in any way accused of sympathizing with that regime.

Now we are talking about threats. During Barack Obama's presidency, there was a nuclear deal. It was going well, it was working. It was ripped up during Donald Trump's first term. There was a way to make it work. What is more, that regime was becoming increasingly unpopular and was collapsing. Young people were turning their backs on the regime, which undoubtedly would have collapsed.

Does my colleague really believe that this attack will bring about real regime change? I get the impression that pockets of the population that were not sympathetic to the regime will now become very radicalized against the west.

Iran and the Middle East March 9th, 2026

Mr. Chair, I would like to ask the minister a question. First, since he mentioned it in his speech, what is Canada's official position now? I understand that when a situation evolves, positions have to be adjusted, but why have there been so many contradictory messages in such a short time?

Furthermore, I know that a contingency plan is now finally in place, but why is it that, while everyone else was getting ready, Canada was not making any plans regarding consular services?

Iran and the Middle East March 9th, 2026

Mr. Speaker, my question will be short and clear. I would like the answer to be short and clear too, ideally a yes or no.

We know that a lot of countries have been getting ready to offer proper consular services for a long time. Yes or no, does Canada have a contingency plan for providing consular services?

Criminal Code February 26th, 2026

Mr. Speaker, I freely admit that until very recently I was convinced that forced sterilization was already illegal, as it seems to me to be a matter of basic common sense. No one should be subjected to such an inhumane and degrading practice.

Despite a legal framework that is already strict in Quebec and Canada and despite multiple safeguards that protect patient consent, this requirement can still be compromised in certain clinical contexts, particularly when indigenous or minority women are in vulnerable situations. By explicitly banning forced or coerced sterilization in the Criminal Code, victims would have a clear recourse for launching investigations or taking legal action. Depending on the circumstances, these actions may constitute aggravated assault. That is why we support Bill S‑228. The Bloc Québécois will vote in favour of it. This ban would also act as a deterrent for health care professionals. It would also encourage hospitals, medical associations and professional bodies to adopt policies to ensure that medical practices are fully in line with the law.

The bill specifies that “a sterilization procedure is an act that wounds or maims” a person for the purposes of subsection 268(1) of the Criminal Code, that is, aggravated assault. It also defines what constitutes sterilization, which is helpful. The bill states:

sterilization procedure means the severing, clipping, tying or cauterizing, in whole or in part, of the Fallopian tubes, ovaries or uterus of a person or any other procedure performed on a person that results in the permanent prevention of reproduction, regardless of whether the procedure is reversible through a subsequent surgical procedure.

Historical data shows that the forced or coerced sterilization of indigenous women in Canada was part of a eugenic and colonial attitude that persisted until the 1970s. It is estimated that between 1966 and 1976, more than 1,200 sterilizations were performed, including approximately 1,150 on indigenous women and 50 on men or people whose gender was not documented, with more than 70 additional procedures performed on women in Nunavut. In Alberta, under the Sexual Sterilization Act, 74% of indigenous people referred to the Alberta Eugenics Board were actually sterilized, compared to 60% of all people referred, illustrating a clear overrepresentation of indigenous people in these programs.

In her work on these practices, researcher Karen Stote documented 580 sterilizations performed in federal Indian hospitals between 1970 and 1975 alone, which suggests that the already high numbers available are just a minimum, given the destroyed archives, incomplete records and the lack of systematic data by community or identity. Little data seems to be publicly available on sterilizations that may have taken place before the 1960s. However, make no mistake: These numbers are alarming. In my community, as a member of the Huron-Wendat Nation, I have not heard of any such instances. I am not aware of any. Some may have occurred, but I have not heard anything about it. However, all first nations stand in solidarity with each other.

In the more recent past, the magnitude of the issue is reflected more in class actions and investigations than in official administrative statistics. A class action filed in Saskatchewan in 2017 includes more than 100 indigenous women from various regions alleging coerced sterilization or sterilization without free and informed consent, including tubal ligations performed between 2008 and 2012. At least 55 women had already contacted lawyers by the late 2010s.

Across the country, organizations such as the Native Women's Association of Canada and various reports mention at least five ongoing or announced class actions involving institutions and doctors in several provinces. In Quebec, a university study cited in the media and by indigenous groups identified at least 22 instances of forced or coerced sterilization of indigenous women between 1980 and 2019.

Approximately 30 Atikamekw women are currently participating in a class action against the Centre intégré de santé et de services sociaux de Lanaudière and three doctors for sterilizations performed without consent from 1980 to the present.

Forced or coerced sterilization has no place in a free and democratic society. It must come to an end once and for all. The bill is an important step toward explicitly prohibiting forced or coerced sterilization. Its passage will provide vulnerable women with greater legal protection and affirm the primacy of free and informed consent in the face of forced sterilization.

During the last parliamentary session, the Standing Senate Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs expressed concern that tensions might arise between obtaining consent for sterilization and intervention during medical emergencies or other situations requiring sterilization. A number of amendments were made to Bill S-250, which became Bill S-228, the one before us today. It now offers clearer and more precise language that could have a significant impact on the importance of free, informed and prior consent, as well as on the importance of informing patients of the medical risks associated with procedures, including the possibility of sterilization when a doctor must act to protect the patient's health or life from a medical standpoint.

Furthermore, some inclusion groups have criticized the bill for the limited scope of the definition of “sterilization procedure”. They would like to include transgender, non-binary and intersex individuals, as well as men. However, it should be noted that the current definition remains inclusive, as it encompasses “any other procedure performed on a person that results in the permanent prevention of reproduction”.

In any case, adopting legislative provisions is not enough. For them to have a real impact, they need to be accompanied by specific regulations, rigorous enforcement mechanisms and strategies that respect the cultural realities and autonomy of indigenous nations. Without this, the Canadian government risks repeating its usual ineffective centralizing practices. The full and complete participation of indigenous organizations is an essential condition for the legitimacy and effectiveness of any reform. Only through this collaboration can we guarantee the real protection of the rights of indigenous women and all those who may be exposed to these unacceptable practices.

In addition, any legislative or regulatory action in this area must fully respect the jurisdictions of Quebec and the provinces in health care. Ottawa cannot impose one-size-fits-all measures that circumvent Quebec's autonomy. Otherwise, it would repeat the historical mistakes of centralization. Protecting women's rights and overseeing medical practices both fall primarily under provincial jurisdiction. Any reform must fully involve Quebec, its institutions and indigenous organizations in its design and implementation.

One specific example of this is the Collège des médecins du Québec. Following the report of the First Nations of Quebec and Labrador Health and Social Services Commission, the college put in place an action plan and added a preamble to its code of ethics recognizing the realities of first peoples, respect for all identities and the fight against systemic inequalities. What is more, the ALDO‑Québec training program was updated with a new social responsibility unit on equity, diversity, inclusion and global health.

That is what we need to keep an eye on and put in place. However, for now, we fully support this bill.

Criminal Code February 26th, 2026

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for tabling this bill before the House. Does he agree that the full and active participation of organizations representing first nations is an essential condition and a fundamental prerequisite for any reform?

Budget 2025 Implementation Act, No. 1 February 26th, 2026

Mr. Speaker, I am wondering about something. I have a hard time understanding the Conservatives' position on Bill C‑15. They were enthused about Bill C‑5 last June; they supported not only Bill C‑5, but the different closure motions as well, including the super closure motion imposed that week. Furthermore, what kind of official opposition would support the closure motion of a government that wants to give itself free rein, proceed without consultations and circumvent existing laws? What kind of opposition is going to give a blank cheque to a government it spends all its time criticizing?

I want to understand why Bill C‑5 was acceptable when today, in their estimation, Bill C‑15 is not. Both are similar in almost every respect.

National Strategy on Housing for Young Canadians Act February 5th, 2026

Mr. Speaker, the member speaking is certainly a member who asks questions. I invite him to listen first and then ask questions.

Housing is an issue that is extremely important to me because there is a major housing crisis in my region, like everywhere else. It is hitting us so hard that the city of Saint‑Hyacinthe, which is home to two-thirds of my riding's population, has long had the dubious distinction of having the lowest vacancy rate in Quebec. I think it is somewhere around 0.4%. Today, it has gone up, and that is a good thing. For a long time, however, it remained at an extremely dangerous rate of 0.4%. It is the same as saying there were no more vacancies at all. It is as simple as that.

On top of this, there has been a series of fires in downtown Saint-Hyacinthe. The people they affected were primarily vulnerable individuals, many of whom did not have insurance. It was even more difficult to relocate them afterward and help them out of the hardship the fires had caused.

Of course, the Saint-Hyacinthe region is not in an easy position either. We will never have extremely advantageous vacancy rates for the simple reason that we have the best farmland in Quebec. It is not a region that can easily be rezoned either, but there are still ways to implement smart, responsible projects.

We obviously fully agree with the intention behind the bill, namely, to promote access to affordable and secure housing for young Canadians and Quebeckers aged 17 to 34. There is no issue with the intention itself, but we will vote against the bill because, unfortunately, it is a useless empty shell that claims to create a national strategy while containing nothing whatsoever to that effect. At best, it will allow the government to boast that it has a strategy and claim to have the expertise to show the provinces how to proceed, because centralization and Canada-wide standards are second nature to Ottawa.

The government already has a multitude of programs and, in any case, its only role is limited to transferring money to the provinces and, potentially, transferring ownership of federal lands that are not being used. That would be relevant if that were the case, but this bill would amount to giving the government carte blanche right now. Although it provides for consultations with the provinces and other stakeholders, we have plenty of examples where consultations are limited to sending emails without any actual dialogue. Basically, these consultations are essentially briefings. That is what they end up being. People are told what is going to happen, and that is about it.

Quebec and the municipalities have a much better understanding of the local realities of their residents. That is the virtue of decentralization. Even though the federal government claims to want to collaborate, the usual “Ottawa knows best” attitude leaves little doubt as to how it will respond to such a strategy, and that is not very reassuring. If the past is any indication of the future, it is not at all reassuring.

The federal government already has a $55-billion, 10-year program and is struggling to make it work because of all the red tape. Now it wants to add to that. In any case, Ottawa does not build anything. The municipalities do all the work. That is why we are calling for all housing funding to be unconditionally transferred to Quebec. That would be a much better solution than what is being proposed here. That is the simplest and most economical way to create favourable conditions for housing construction. By adding conditions, the federal government adds public servants, in both Ottawa and Quebec City, to create reports and track the money that is spent. This approach is both costly and inefficient.

What is more, Ottawa's definition of “affordable” is inadequate. We want the government to adapt, adjust and clarify the definition of “affordable” in relation to housing so that the funding is actually used to build affordable housing.

The bill gives any designated minister the mandate to conduct consultations to develop the national strategy on housing, although, as I said, the word “consultation” is debatable. However, the government could conduct these consultations without a bill. Do we need a bill to say that a project or consultation should be launched? I see this as window dressing, a potentially useless empty shell.

The strategy, which is not created by the bill—for the reason I just mentioned—would aim to ensure greater access to affordable and secure housing for young people, that is, people aged 17 to 34. As I said, there is no problem with that. To develop the strategy, the minister will conduct consultations with representatives of provincial, territorial and municipal governments and other groups.

Not everything about this is crazy. There are things that make sense, such as cracking down on real estate flipping, but it is clear that the best solution would be to provide unconditional funding for any Quebec initiative to develop student housing as a way to take pressure off the residential and rental market, particularly in the regions and at the initiative of colleges and universities. I have a few in my riding. I have the CEGEP, the Institut de technologie agricole du Québec, the faculty of veterinary medicine, and the vocational school. All of them could benefit.

Fundamentally, the housing crisis needs to be taken seriously. It should be our chief concern, because housing must be seen as a right. Some community organizations are doing outstanding work in many places to keep tenants informed of their rights, because not all landlords are able to keep them adequately informed all the time. There are organizations doing outstanding work in that area.

Of course, we need to be able to build. Building takes money. Addressing the housing crisis involves more than simply drafting a bill that does not launch a strategy, but rather a discussion. Ottawa's track record when it comes to discussions is a little unsettling. Maybe the funding could consist of a permanent reinvestment. For example, 1% of the government's annual budget could be earmarked for housing construction. It could be that. It could be a fixed percentage that would stay the same year after year, regardless of inflation, and that would also reflect increases in costs and expenses. The percentage would always stay the same.

National Strategy on Housing for Young Canadians Act February 5th, 2026

Mr. Speaker, as far as I am concerned, we are resuming debate and I an resuming my speech, because I was barely able to begin it the last time. The two minutes I had was barely enough time to say good evening.

I will pick up where I left off. Housing is an issue that is—