Bill C-7 (Historical)

An Act to amend the Criminal Code (medical assistance in dying)

This enactment amends the Criminal Code to, among other things,
(a) repeal the provision that requires a person’s natural death be reasonably foreseeable in order for them to be eligible for medical assistance in dying;
(b) specify that persons whose sole underlying medical condition is a mental illness are not eligible for medical assistance in dying;
(c) create two sets of safeguards that must be respected before medical assistance in dying may be provided to a person, the application of which depends on whether the person’s natural death is reasonably foreseeable;
(d) permit medical assistance in dying to be provided to a person who has been found eligible to receive it, whose natural death is reasonably foreseeable and who has lost the capacity to consent before medical assistance in dying is provided, on the basis of a prior agreement they entered into with the medical practitioner or nurse practitioner; and
(e) permit medical assistance in dying to be provided to a person who has lost the capacity to consent to it as a result of the self-administration of a substance that was provided to them under the provisions governing medical assistance in dying in order to cause their own death.

Criminal Code

[William Amos, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to Minister of Innovation]

Mr. Speaker, I will continue to speak to the report of the Council of Canadian Academies on the provision of medical assistance in dying to those struggling with mental illness.

The complexity of the issue is reflected in the fact that the members of the Council of Canadian Academies working group had vastly different opinions on the subject. On the one hand, the reports note that symptoms of mental disorder can impair cognitive abilities, making it more difficult to understand or appreciate the nature and consequences of treatment decisions.

The word “incurable” is not generally used by clinicians in the context of mental disorders, which makes it difficult to assess the condition of a person with “irremediable” health problems under the current legislation.

On the other hand, the report points out that the autonomy rights of an individual with a mental illness must be respected. The report cites the experiences of Belgium and the Netherlands, which permit assisted dying for psychiatric conditions, with additional safeguards. However, the report also acknowledges that assisted dying for persons with mental illnesses in these jurisdictions remains controversial, and the public debate is ongoing. Ultimately, the working group could not reach consensus on ways to address complexities and mitigate risks associated with mental illness and medical assistance in dying.

On the topic of advance requests, the Council of Canadian Academies report on advance requests also documents considerable evidence and provided many instructive findings on an issue of great interest and concern to many Canadians. Particularly in our riding, this was an issue I heard a lot about.

An advance request is a request for assisted dying made well in advance and in anticipation of the time when the person making the request may face suffering and other circumstances that may make them eligible for medical assistance in death. An advance request would set out conditions under which an individual requests MAID to be provided at a future date. Advance requests are premised on the likelihood that when people's health circumstances deteriorate to the point where they would want an assisted death, they would no longer have the capacity to affirm their decision immediately before receiving medical assistance in dying. In other words, that critical requirement of giving final consent would not be possible.

Many people express the desire to make an advance request so they have the comfort of knowing they will be able to avoid a lengthy period of grievous suffering for themselves and for their families. This is in the event they succumb to an illness that could leave them severely impaired and lacking cognitive capacity for a lengthy time period.

The CCA report helped unpack advance requests, in a way that really was helpful, by outlining several scenarios of increasing complexity. The first scenario involves an individual at the end of life who has been assessed as eligible for medical assistance in dying, but fears losing capacity while waiting to receive it. This is the situation experienced by Audrey Parker from Nova Scotia who chose to receive MAID earlier than she had wanted in fear of losing her eligibility status.

The second scenario involves an individual who has been diagnosed with a serious condition, but does not yet qualify for medical assistance in dying.

The third scenario involves an individual who wants to plan for various future outcomes, prior to any diagnosis.

The report indicated that when the request is farther in advance of the procedure, it becomes more challenging for health care providers to be certain that the request still reflects the wishes of the individual. The report found that the first scenario poses the least risk and is relatively straightforward. Canadians expressed a great deal of support for this scenario in the federal consultations and it is also widely supported by experts and practitioners.

Our proposed amendments in Bill C-7 would permit this type of advance request. This means that an individual who has a reasonably foreseeable natural death, and who is assessed and approved for medical assistance in dying, can wait for their chosen date without worrying about losing decision-making capacity. If the person does lose capacity prior to that date, they would still receive medical assistance in dying on the requested date or earlier, as expressed in their advance wish. It also means that individuals no longer need to reduce required pain medications and endure additional suffering in order to maintain their capacity to consent right before the procedure.

However, the other two scenarios, where significantly more time passes between preparing a request and medical assistance in dying provision, are far more complex and challenging.

I want to point out that we have definitely made movement on that first aspect. It is in those other two aspects where there is significantly more debate, and those need to be taken care of by Parliament in the coming months, which is exactly what this bill provides for.

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

Mr. Speaker, it is really interesting that this member actually makes very explicit the slippery slope that so many people are concerned about, because when C-14 first came out, the ministers at the time defended it as representing a finely tuned balance between access and safeguards.

Now, we have legislation that removes safeguards and this member talks about the possibility of new legislation very soon after the statutory review in June that would remove further safeguards. We have seen dramatic increases in the rate of people accessing euthanasia in each of the last four years.

I wonder if people should be reasonably skeptical when the government talks about the balance that it is trying to establish, when every single time this comes up, they want to remove more and more of the safeguards.

I will pick on one safeguard, the idea that there could be a 10-day waiting period, one that can be waived in certain circumstances, but by and large is in place. That seems to be eminently reasonable. There is also the idea that there should be two witnesses who observe the consent. These basic safeguards, the 10-day waiting period that could be waived and two witnesses, are very reasonable things that the government wants to do away with.

It makes me wonder, in the next iteration of this legislation, what safeguards at that point will the government remove. How many safeguards do they intend to take away? What is wrong with having some checks and balances in place protecting vulnerable people?

[William Amos, Liberal, Pontiac, QC]

Mr. Speaker, this country has been going through an ongoing discussion on this issue. This precedes the Carter decision. It goes even beyond the Rodriguez case. We have been having this conversation about what are the appropriate ways to secure the life, liberty and security of the person while also respecting his or her dignity. This is not a question of removing safeguards. This is a question of ensuring that Canada has a properly progressing discussion about issues that are very difficult.

Granted, the bill brought in 2016 was brought with significant time pressures and there was a significant and robust discussion, but we left room for further discussion. That was the whole purpose of the reports that were prepared by the Council of Canadian Academies, so that further reflection could be provided. That was done, and those reports have really helped this legislation bring forward better proposals.

[Paul Manly, Green, Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC]

Mr. Speaker, listening to the debate today, one of the things we need to do as a Parliament is to make sure we have national standards for palliative care and a national mental health strategy that ties the provinces to the Canada Health Act and makes sure provinces spend money in these areas, so that those are not concerns going forward with this act.

My question is about the final consent waiver, proposed subsection (3.2). It seems that it is tied directly to entering an agreement in writing with a medical practitioner or a nurse practitioner. That medical practitioner or nurse practitioner would administer a substance to cause the patient's death on a specific date. I am just wondering whether it is actually tied to that practitioner or whether it could be transferred to another practitioner, in the case where that medical practitioner with whom the patient made the agreement is unable to go forward with those wishes at that time, when the patient needs medical assistance in dying.

[William Amos, Liberal, Pontiac, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I must confess that is an aspect of this bill that I do not know enough about. I am going to have to go back and discuss that with the Minister of Health and the Minister of Justice because it does raise an interesting question. Canadians do have access to different health practitioners. Rather than saying something that I do not know much about, I would rather reserve comment, thank the member for his question and then have a discussion with him separately.

[Jean-Yves Duclos, Liberal, President of the Treasury Board]

First of all, Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the hon. member for Pontiac and congratulate him for his great sensitivity, his ability to listen and his deep sense of humanity when he speaks to this very important issue.

I would like to quickly ask him to talk about the twofold objective we want to achieve, namely the protection of vulnerable people and access to greater dignity through greater freedom of choice for those who are experiencing tremendous suffering.

[William Amos, Liberal, Pontiac, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I thank my esteemed colleague for his question. This certainly is a very sensitive subject. It is a complex and deeply personal issue.

That is what comes through when I talk to people in the Pontiac. Everyone is concerned not only about their own future and their own health, but also the health and future of their family members and loved ones. We need to strike a balance between societal needs. The Government of Canada remains committed to protecting vulnerable individuals on the one hand and every Canadian's right to equality on the other. We need to safeguard eligible individuals' autonomy in requesting MAID. We also have to protect families and individuals who are not competent to make that decision. It is not easy. I am proud of our government for bringing in legislation on this issue.

[Larry Maguire, Conservative, Brandon—Souris, MB]

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time today with my colleague, the member for Saskatoon West.

As a new member of the justice committee, I look forward to the issues that we will be dealing with in this new Parliament. While I am not a lawyer, nor do I have any desire to become one, I hope my contributions and insight on the issues of the day will help in rebuilding trust in our judicial system.

I am fully aware that many Canadians have serious concerns. Many are looking for solutions that will keep our communities safe, and they want us to begin the process of rebuilding the public's confidence in our justice system.

The legislation we are dealing with today is about one of those issues that almost every Canadian has heard of and will be, undoubtedly, following in the news. As a member of the Conservative caucus, I can debate this legislation and vote on it as I see fit. It is my intent to improve this legislation and to do the best I can in representing the good people of Brandon—Souris.

Like many Canadians, I find discussing the implications of medical assistance in dying challenging. There is no sugar-coating the fact that, for many people, it is extremely difficult to openly discuss the issue of death. As a result of to the Carter decision, it was left up to Parliament in 2016 to determine the appropriate legislative response in order to be compliant with section 7 of the charter. It must also be said that the Carter decision was specifically limited to a competent adult who gave her consent in receiving medical assistance in dying.

When we were seized with dealing with the legislation, many members of Parliament felt the government's response did not go far enough. One of the Liberal MPs who voted against the legislation was none other than the Minister of Justice. Some members were quite concerned about the lack of clarity, such as in the term “reasonably foreseeable”, which was left undefined. Other members wanted Parliament to supersede the Carter decision.

Disagreement is not new in this place. It is to be expected in Parliament, with members from all political stripes and backgrounds. I would argue that our democracy is much better served having such divergent views as to guarantee that every position is fleshed out.

When we debated Bill C-14, our Conservative caucus studied the legislation with the rigour that Canadians demanded of us. We asked the tough questions, we put forward amendments and we did what we were sent here to do, which was to ensure the concerns of our constituents were put front and centre. It is my sincere hope that we once again invest the necessary time on this and be as inclusive as we can so that all Canadians have their say on Bill C-7.

It goes without saying that there are deep divisions on the overall issue of medical assistance in dying. I know every member of Parliament is hearing from constituents on this issue, and in the past couple of weeks numerous petitions have been sent to all members' offices. I would also note that in the election, I received inquiries on the future of the legislation and on whether Parliament would be reviewing it anytime soon.

One of the elements in the original legislation was to have an automatic review, which will be undertaken this summer. It is notable that the legislation now before us has pre-empted the automatic review on a few matters. This upcoming review will be far more comprehensive than the two-week online survey used for Bill C-7.

From what many were expecting, the legislation that was set to be introduced was to respond to the Superior Court of Quebec's ruling. We now know that this is not the case. In fact, yesterday during debate, the parliamentary secretary of justice acknowledged that the Liberals did go above and beyond, because that is what he thinks Canadians want. While that may be his opinion, it is concerning that the larger changes found within Bill C-7 could have been dealt with in the larger review this summer.

What we are debating today has numerous changes that go much further than deleting and replacing the phrase “reasonably foreseeable” in order to be compliant with the recent court decision. For example, the government is easing safeguards, which I might add is the actual language found within the presentation with which departmental officials briefed MPs.

As it stands, patients must make a written request for MAID that is witnessed by two independent witnesses. In Bill C-7, this has been changed to one independent witness. I believe it is incumbent on the government to justify this change and to outline the rationale for why it needed to be amended. The government is also removing the mandatory 10-day period after the written request is signed. Once again, this is a significant change that goes above and beyond what was required for the law to be in compliance with the Quebec Superior Court decision.

It is my intent to invite as many experts, health care professionals and provincial governments to committee to ask them about the proposed changes and to determine if they are in fact needed. We must be cognizant that MAID still has the necessary safeguards in place to protect the vulnerable.

I want to put on the record that many of the issues we raised in the last Parliament, such as enshrining conscience legislation in law for medical practitioners, has fallen on deaf ears. This was an almost universal position among my Conservative colleagues, and the Liberal government of the day did not adopt those measures.

We were also quite adamant about improving access to palliative care. Even though the delivery of health care falls under the purview of provincial governments, we passed a private members' bill to implement an action plan. My colleague from Sarnia—Lambton, who worked hard to get this legislation passed, is very disappointed that the government's five-year action plan failed to commit enough resources or outline a clear set of measurable outcomes. In a rural riding like mine, there are not enough palliative care services available. My heart goes out to those families who must send loved ones to a different community in the final days of their lives.

As a champion of rural Canada, I know first-hand the unique challenges that millions of people face every day due to their isolation or remoteness. I want to give the benefit of the doubt to the government that it is committed to rural Canadians, but its record says something completely different. While these issues cannot be fixed in this legislation, we cannot treat them in isolation while discussing MAID.

In closing, I want the government to know I am committed to working with it constructively on this legislation. I will ensure that the concerns of my constituents are heard. We know there is nothing more precious than the gift of life: to live freely, to live safely and to live healthy and happily. It is our collective responsibility to do what we can to improve the quality of life of all Canadians.

I look forward to what my colleagues have to say on this legislation, and if it is sent to our justice committee, we will do our due diligence to listen to witnesses and improve it where possible.

[Larry Bagnell, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Economic Development and Official Languages (Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency)]

Mr. Speaker, I enjoy working the member on the Standing Committee of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region. He gave a very positive speech.

I wanted to reply to a couple of items. Why now, before that major review of the act in June? We had no choice; the Supreme Court ordered it. Concerning the 10-day period, medical practitioners suggested that a person may be incapable in those 10 days, so it was not necessary. That was a bit problematic, as was getting two signatures.

On palliative care, I agree 100% with the member. That is one of the reasons why in the last budget, for the first time in history, we added $6 billion to help the provinces with palliative care. I hope it is working toward exactly what the member would like.

Could the member let me know, as I think about this bill, what his constituents said to him about the MAID legislation?

[Larry Maguire, Conservative, Brandon—Souris, MB]

Mr. Speaker, my colleague from Yukon and I have worked together on the Standing Committee of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Region for a while. Someday I will have to go up to Whitehorse to see how he operates.

The people in my riding have given me differing directions on this particular issue. As I said in my speech, there are many people with different ideas on how this should be done and on whether it should be done at all. I have received petitions from hundreds of people on both sides of this issue.

We will be listening intently, and as I said, if it comes to the justice committee, which I am a member of, we will be looking for input from the witnesses in the way I outlined and making sure we improve the bill wherever we can.

[Louise Charbonneau, Bloc, Trois-Rivières, QC]

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for his speech.

I would like to know why my colleague does not like the idea of having a single witness present while MAID is being administered. Usually, at this important time in their lives, sick people are surrounded by family members, and therefore by love and affection.

[Larry Maguire, Conservative, Brandon—Souris, MB]

Mr. Speaker, the only thing I can say on that is that the two signatures acted as a safeguard. That was in place before, and now it would be one. There is also a shortening of the time frame for the reflection period. I think we need to hear from witnesses as to whether that should have stayed where it was or gone forward, but the government has put it in the bill to move it in that direction. I am not saying that one witness is not enough. I am just saying that the safeguards need to be in place to protect those who are vulnerable.

[Randall Garrison, NDP, Esquimalt—Saanich—Sooke, BC]

Mr. Speaker, obviously the original medical assistance in dying legislation was about limiting the amount of unnecessary suffering when people are facing end-of-life issues, both for the individual and for the families.

One part of the legislation that has been brought forward has been referred to as “Audrey's amendment”, named after Audrey Parker, a woman in Nova Scotia, who felt forced to choose an earlier death than she would have liked and ended up missing a last Christmas with her family because she felt she might lose competence and not be able to give consent at the end.

The bill that has come forward provides that those who have been assessed and approved can give instruction to a doctor so that if they lose competence before their wishes are carried out, they can receive assistance and not have to make the ugly choice to go sooner than they would like. Does the member support that provision?

[Larry Maguire, Conservative, Brandon—Souris, MB]

Mr. Speaker, I want to assure my New Democrat colleague that this is an area of concern. There is no doubt that the situation he outlined is of great importance in determining the situation before us. It will be coming back to our committee. I look forward to working with him on it as well, as he is a member of the justice committee.

At this point I want to make sure we hear from as many witnesses as we can. I have already heard from many in my area who are quite supportive of that and of having the 90-day before going forward. This is one of the changes to “reasonably foreseeable” put in the bill, and I support the part of the bill that would allow them to do that.

[Brad Redekopp, Conservative, Saskatoon West, SK]

Mr. Speaker, today I rise to speak on Bill C-7, an act to amend the Criminal Code regarding medical assistance in dying.

My office has received about 135 phone calls, emails or letters so far on this issue, and I recognize that this is a very touchy, personal and non-partisan issue.

I will begin with a quick bit of history. The MAID legislation came into law in June 2016. Recently, one judge in Quebec ruled that the wording in the legislation on “foreseeable death” was too restrictive. The Liberal government was very quick to accept this ruling. It chose not to appeal, and instead moved to rewrite the legislation taking into account the decision of the court.

This caused me to compare this ruling to the recent Alberta court ruling in which four judges found the carbon tax to be unconstitutional. It made me wonder if the government is going to be as quick to accept the Alberta court ruling as well and not appeal it, but that is a digression.

As I said, MAID is a very touchy, personal and non-partisan issue. One can always find examples of people for whom MAID legislation is a difficult but welcome option. Unfortunately, those simple examples are usually in the minority. Far more often, it is much more complicated than that. The stories I have heard reflect these complications, such as the case where families are caught by surprise with a death and then forced to deal with the aftermath of that.

There are cases where a person is at a particularly low point in their health but, under this proposed legislation, would be able to request and receive MAID with no waiting period. There are cases where physicians or hospital officials apply pressure on individuals to consider MAID. For example, Roger Foley, an Ontario man who is suffering from an incurable neurological disease, said that the medical staff repeatedly offered him MAID, despite his repeated requests to live at home.

There is also the B.C. case of Ms. S. Dr. Wiebe lamented the profound suffering of Ms. S. but felt that Ms. S. was not eligible for an assisted death. Then, unfortunately, Ms. S. decided to starve herself. Dr. Wiebe and another doctor then determined that, due to the severe malnutrition and dehydration of Ms. S., her natural death was reasonably foreseeable, so Dr. Wiebe euthanized her on March 2017.

According to a Globe and Mail article, this case is the first to be made public in which a medical regulator has ruled on the contentious question of whether doctors should grant assisted death to patients who only satisfy all the criteria of the federal law after they have stopped eating and drinking.

It is not difficult to imagine a situation where a hospital will, for reasons of efficiency, encourage its staff to suggest MAID to patients with chronically difficult and complex cases. It is not a simple problem. It is a very complex problem.

What bothers me about this is that the government is pre-empting the parliamentary review process that was specified in the legislation. We know that the current justice minister voted against the party on the original legislation because he felt that it did not go far enough. Now, as justice minister, he is able to make the changes that he desired. This is troubling, because he is choosing to pre-empt the legislated review process and get his desired changes into legislation without consultation.

The existing law mandates the review of the legislation every five years, and the review will happen in just a few months.

Why is the government is such a rush to make substantive changes to this legislation and pre-empt the legislated review process?

To me, it makes far more sense to deal with the specific issue raised by the Quebec judge only, then do a proper consultation with Canadians this summer and propose changes based on that. Instead, the government had an extensive online survey that lasted two weeks. While it received a lot of responses, I think it just proves that there is great interest, and Canadians have a lot to say about this issue. So far, the results of these responses have not been shared, and I ask for these responses to be shared. I call on the government to do the right thing and leave any changes beyond what the Quebec judge has asked for until the completion of the review process later this year.

Since we are talking about changes to this legislation, I want to talk about palliative care. There are calls for a pan-Canadian strategy on palliative care. I think it is convenient to point to the provinces and say that this is their problem, but there cannot be a full end-of-life strategy without funds and laws around palliative care.

The government broke a key election promise to invest $3 billion in long-term care, including palliative care. Access to palliative care is an essential part of end-of-life decision-making.

I have a personal example from Saskatoon, which has 12 palliative care beds for an area with over 300,000 people.

My mother-in-law had a terminal disease. In her case, MAID was neither requested nor desired. She was fortunate in that her death was relatively quick, and by some miracle she was able to get one of those 12 beds in Saskatoon.

It should not take a miracle to get good end-of-life care. It should not be that MAID is the only reasonable solution at the end of life because palliative care is not available. Therefore, I call on the government to put as much effort into palliative care as it has into MAID.

Another significant area of concern is conscience protection. Physicians and health professionals must be given strong conscience rights. They must be free to not participate and be free of penalty or harassment for making that choice. They must also be free to not be required to refer to another health professional. They must have full conscience protection.

Further, it must be recognized that the conscience objection of institutions must be protected. Institutions are not bricks and mortar. They are collections of people with values. Therefore, institutions must also be given the right of conscience protection. Several Supreme Court cases are instructive here.

The Supreme Court in 2015, in the Loyola case, stated:

Religious freedom under the Charter must therefore account for the socially embedded nature of religious belief, and the deep linkages between this belief and its manifestation through communal institutions and traditions.

In another 2015 decision, the Supreme Court stated:

A neutral public space free from coercion, pressure and judgment on the part of public authorities in matters of spirituality is intended to protect every person’s freedom and dignity, and it helps preserve and promote the multicultural nature of Canadian society.

We must respect the multicultural nature of Canadian society. We must respect both medical professionals and institutions, and allow them to have full conscience protections free from harassment and consequences.

There are some specific changes proposed that I am concerned about. The current legislation includes a 10-day waiting period between when MAID is requested and when it can be administered. The current legislation already allows for this waiting period to be waived. It states that if two medical practitioners:

...are both of the opinion that the person's death, or the loss of their capacity to provide informed consent, is imminent—any shorter period that the first medical practitioner or nurse practitioner considers appropriate [can be used] in the circumstances.

There already is a provision to deal with this issue. There is no need to make changes. The situation has been contemplated and addressed in the current legislation.

Another area of concern is the lack of safeguards for the mentally ill. Mental illness is a very complex situation. Patients diagnosed with an underlying mental health challenge are not required to undergo a psychiatric assessment by a psychiatric professional to determine whether they have the capacity to consent.

There is no one-size-fits-all solution to the issues of mental health. However, it is not difficult to imagine a scenario in which a person is in a particularly dark period and considers MAID. It may well be that with proper professional help that person can work through the darkness and emerge a bit better. This may not always be the case, but that is why having a general waiting period is so important. It eliminates the ability of medical professionals or others to make a quick decision that they regret.

A poll in January found that Saskatchewan and Manitoba had the lowest support in the country for MAID. In 2018, in Saskatchewan, only 67 of 172 applicants for MAID actually received medically assisted death. Some were declined, some withdrew and some died before the request could be completed.

In summary, I would make the following observations. Most importantly, in the words of a constituent I spoke with this week, “We need to slow this down, not speed it up.” Yes, we need to deal with the Quebec court decision, but that only requires one change. There is a legislated review that will happen this summer.

Let us wait for a proper consultation and use that lens to view any proposed changes. Let us have a pan-Canadian strategy for palliative care. Let us put full conscience protection in place for physicians and health care professionals. Let us put conscience protection in place for institutions. Let us leave the 10-day waiting period and the ability to create exceptions the way it is. Let us deal with the Quebec court decision and leave the rest until after the legislated review this summer. Let us slow this down.