National Strategy on Brain Injuries Act

An Act to establish a national strategy on brain injuries

Sponsor

Alistair MacGregor  NDP

Introduced as a private member’s bill. (These don’t often become law.)

Status

Report stage (House), as of Oct. 28, 2024

Subscribe to a feed (what's a feed?) of speeches and votes in the House related to Bill C-277.

Summary

This is from the published bill. The Library of Parliament often publishes better independent summaries.

This enactment provides for the development of a national strategy to support and improve brain injury awareness, prevention and treatment as well as the rehabilitation and recovery of persons living with a brain injury.

Elsewhere

All sorts of information on this bill is available at LEGISinfo, an excellent resource from the Library of Parliament. You can also read the full text of the bill.

Votes

June 12, 2024 Passed 2nd reading of Bill C-277, An Act to establish a national strategy on brain injuries

Yasir Naqvi Liberal Ottawa Centre, ON

Thank you very much, Chair.

Welcome, Minister, and our officials as well. We shall be speaking with you soon.

I want to start on the theme of research. I think Dr. Hanley was talking about research.

I know, in my role as your Parliamentary secretary, that I've had the chance to meet with some incredible stakeholder groups that have have been advocating that we invest more in research funding. Budget 2024 really delivered in that respect.

In particular, I want to talk about brain research. In the supplements, there's $10 million in funding for the Canadian brain research fund to advance knowledge on the brain, brain diseases and brain disorders and to accelerate discoveries for improving the health and quality of life of Canadians affected by brain disease.

In your view, why is this funding into this research area critical?

Before you answer, I also want to put on record that our colleague Alistair MacGregor, who brought in Bill C-277, sought unanimous consent in the House so that it could pass, but it was denied UC by the Conservatives, which was rather partisan, because we heard clearly from so many witnesses about the need for a brain research framework in Canada, which we're looking forward to working with once it passes into law.

While we're moving ahead with this research funding, why is it so critical to support brain research in Canada and globally?

Reference to Standing Committee on Procedure and House AffairsPrivilegeOrders of the Day

December 9th, 2024 / 11:35 a.m.


See context

NDP

Alistair MacGregor NDP Cowichan—Malahat—Langford, BC

Mr. Speaker, I am very happy to be changing the channel on the Conservative speeches that the House has been stuck with for the last two months.

For the benefit of my constituents in the great riding of Cowichan—Malahat—Langford, I will note that the House of Commons has been held up since the end of September because of an ongoing argument over a House order to produce documents from Sustainable Development Technology Canada. That order was made by the House back in June; of course, because the government has not complied with it, we are faced with a motion of privilege. Basically, a privilege motion is brought forward by any member who feels that their personal rights as an MP of the House or the rights of the House as a collectivity have been breached. In this case, it was brought forward by the Conservatives.

The original motion that we are dealing with is very simple, and I will read it out for the record: “That the government's failure of fully providing documents, as ordered by the House on June 10, 2024, be hereby referred to the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs”. The Conservatives, throughout the last couple of months, have been putting forward different variations of amendments and subamendments, but I will just stick to debate on the motion because I think that is an order with language that people can clearly understand.

On the face of it, it seems simple enough. The unfortunate thing is that neither the Liberals nor the Conservatives have found a way out of the mess that we are currently in. However, because both of these parties have abdicated their responsibility and are basically stuck in a playground fight with one another, all business of the House of Commons has come to a complete standstill. That is a problem. It costs a lot of money to run this place each and every day. We not only have the sitting members of Parliament, who are collecting their salaries, but we also have an extensive House of Commons administration, which is here to make sure that this place runs as smoothly as possible. I think Canadians would be quite full of regret if they were to see how their taxpayer dollars are being wasted in this frivolous debate, which has been going on for over two months now.

We have incredibly important bills and business of the House that could have been discussed, but instead, day after day, we are just treated to a litany of Conservative MPs, who keep on talking about the same old thing. However, I will say this for the record: I firmly believe that the House absolutely has a constitutionally protected right to send for persons and papers. The House can make an order, which is an important function of Parliament, to send for papers, and those papers could be documents of any kind, physical copies or electronic copies, but really the only limits are that they need to exist and they need to be within Canada. This is an unfettered right; it has been upheld again and again by the parliamentary counsel in rulings. Not only you, Mr. Speaker, but also previous occupants of the chair have reaffirmed that this right exists. Therefore, from the outset, I want to state clearly that I agree with the main thrust of what we are trying to achieve here, which is that the House wants to see all of those documents in their unredacted form.

However, we are at an obvious impasse. The government is unwilling to budge, and the Conservatives are unwilling to stand down. As a result, we are not going anywhere in the House, and important issues in foreign affairs, economic policy, health policy and all the things that Canadians elected us as MPs to come here and deliberate about on their behalf are not getting dealt with. In fact, the only recourse we have as members of Parliament right now is to bring up the occasional concurrence debate on a committee report that has already been tabled. It is not much of a debate because, of course, those committees have already agreed to those reports by majority vote, and they have been duly tabled. Therefore, we are left with the only option of spending three hours here and three hours there debating a report that has already been deliberated in thoroughness at its respective committee.

However, because that is the only avenue we have available to us, that is the only way that we have been able to bring forward important subjects on foreign affairs, on health, on economic policy and, again, on what Canadians are expecting us to do. As we are at an impasse, we have to look at this and try to be the adults in the room.

I will remind people that the Conservatives are filibustering their own motion right now. The motion they have brought forward is to bring this matter to the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs. That is a very important committee. That committee not only determines the membership of other standing committees, but it deals with all of these really important issues. If the House is at an impasse, it falls to that committee to deliberate and find a way forward. If we were to arrive at a space where we could send this motion, again, a Conservative motion that they brought forward and are filibustering, if we could find some way to bring this to the procedure and House affairs committee, so that that committee could deliberate on the way forward, then it would allow this House of Commons to get back to the business of debating the issues that matter to Canadians.

Now there are a few things I want to raise, because I have listened to Conservative speech after Conservative speech on this matter and it is unclear exactly what details they are looking for. On one hand, there are major problems with how this funding was allocated. The Auditor General observed that and the committee in its investigation observed that there were obviously major problems. Were they criminal? That is not for me to say. Obviously, there was some gross mishandling of taxpayer dollars and people absolutely need to be held accountable for that, but it is not up to us to determine whether this is a criminal matter. That falls on the independence of the RCMP and also our criminal prosecution services. They are the only ones who can decide whether this proceeds in a criminal way.

There have been some arguments back and forth on whether the House of Commons is within its rights to hand these documents over to the RCMP or whether that would constitute interference in an independent investigation. Again, this is not a question that I am best equipped to answer, nor the House as a collective body. I have repeatedly asked Conservative MPs after their speeches, because there is this uncertainty about what role the RCMP should play in this, if it would not be best to refer this to the PROC committee, call the commissioner of the RCMP forward as a witness and get best guidance from the top RCMP official in the land. I take this very seriously because at two standing committees I serve on, public safety and justice, I can say that I have dealt with this subject matter quite a bit. I have a lot of respect for the work that our police do.

Again, in an effort to find a reasonable and adult way forward, could we not just break this impasse to find a way for the RCMP to appear at that committee to find a way forward? If the procedure and House affairs committee recommends a path forward, then if the House is still not satisfied, we can again continue this privilege debate. However, I think it is sincerely unfair that debating this now very frivolous motion has held up the business of the House for more than two months. I lay the blame equally on both the Conservatives and the Liberals. They have obviously been unable to find a way forward.

What I would say is that a lot of the Conservatives' speeches these days seem to have to fit several criteria, as set out by their leader: They have to be full of hyperbole, they have to fit on a bumper sticker and often they have to rhyme. I think we are lowering the quality of the debate that could be had in this place. I do not think this House as a whole is rising up to the expectations that Canadians have at this moment.

Over the last two and a half months, all I have been witness to, from both the Liberals and the Conservatives, has been Liberal and Conservative members pointing to each other saying they are not as bad as the other when they were in government. To borrow from Tommy Douglas's fable on Mouseland, it is like the mice are being asked to choose between the blue cats and the red cats. At the end of the day, they are all cats and they are all bad for mice. We are not in a good situation.

We are in a cost of living crisis right now. I would much rather spend my time in this House talking about how, over the last 40 years of Conservative and Liberal governments, we have developed a culture in Ottawa that is full of corporate deference. We have seen our corporate tax rates slashed to one of the lowest in the G7. We have seen policies enacted by both Liberals and Conservatives that have allowed mergers and acquisitions to result in the concentrated corporate power we see in so many of our sectors right now, whether it is telecommunications, grocery retail, or even oil and gas.

We keep hearing arguments from the Liberals saying that they have done so much, and that we should look at what they have done and that ask why Canadians are not happy with what they have done. They are obviously missing the mark. They are out of tune. They are led by someone I once described as radioactive. I hope the Liberals understand that they are not going anywhere with the current Prime Minister as their leader.

However, the Conservatives are not doing any better because those bumper sticker slogans full of hyperbole and rhyming are just cheapening the debate. I do not see a very real offer coming from them, especially when their leader is fighting against a system in which he has been a member of Parliament for quite some time now. He was first elected in this place in 2004. I am the same age as the leader of the Conservatives, so when he was first elected, he was 25 years old. At that time, I was out in the wilds of British Columbia, breaking my back as a tree planter. For him to fight against the system that he is so clearly a part of and offer himself as something new is a complete and total joke.

Let us face it. He gets his politics from the time he was Stephen Harper's favourite attack dog. I can say that it was people like him who inspired me to run in this place. I remember when I first saw the Leader of the Opposition on TV and could not believe someone could be elected who was so arrogant, so full of spite and just downright nasty. It is quite obvious from the antics he displays here now that he has not changed his ways. I will always be inspired to run against that kind of politics and against the politics of the Liberals, who believe they are God's gift to Canada and wonder why everyone cannot just be happy with the incredible work they are doing. The Liberals have let people down. They are not doing enough. The Conservatives are going to bring in the exact same types of policies the Harper government was tossed out of office for in 2015, and that is a fact.

The other thing is that the Conservatives stand here and talk about affordability issues when we know the leader of the Conservative Party has already started his fundraising circuit and is going to be frequented by the exact corporate executives who are jacking up prices everywhere and taking Canadians' hard-earned money. Many Canadians would agree with me that billionaires do not need more relief, the working class does, and yet, because of the corporate deference policies that we have seen from these two parties over 40 years, we are at the natural result of those policies. They are, number one, many corporate sectors have seen record profits and, number two, those record profits are happening at a time when Canadians are suffering.

It is not a hard stretch of the imagination to link the fact that in 2023, the corporate grocery retail, five companies that control 80% of the market combined, saw profits of over $6 billion. At the same time, we have a record number of Canadians having to visit food banks. The math is simple. I would agree with my friends that I would rather see the dollars in the pockets of my constituents, but it is not the government removing those dollars, it is corporate profits. More and more of Canadians' net incomes are being spent on the essentials of life: heating, fuel, transportation, housing and food. That is not the government's fault, it is the fault of corporations that have been unfairly jacking up prices. They are acting like a vacuum cleaner, sucking up the hard-earned net dollars of my constituents to pad CEO bonuses, stock buybacks and dividend payouts.

It is a system that needs to be changed. It needs a wholesale cleanup, and we cannot trust the two parties that have built this system. It is not New Democrats, the Green Party or the Bloc Québécois. It is Liberal and Conservative federal governments trading places. Canadians need to realize these two parties, at their core, are but two sides of the same coin. They may quibble over the big partisan talking points of the day, but these two parties are two different sides of the same coin. They fundamentally believe in that neo-liberal economic policy, which over the last 40 years, especially since the greed of the 1980s, has led to deregulation, mergers, acquisitions and unrivalled corporate power that has put Canadians in the economic situation they are in today.

I want to talk briefly about some of the other things that have been held up. I will be personal here. I have a private member's bill, Bill C-277, which was voted on unanimously by the House of Commons at second reading in May. It sailed through the Standing Committee on Health, with some minor amendments, but again, it was unanimously adopted by the Standing Committee on Health and reported back to the House. It is being held up by this filibuster.

There are even good Conservative bills that are being held up by this filibuster, some of the Conservatives' own legislation. There are some good bills from the government that, in those rare occurrences, we can find all-party agreement on, but we are again in a situation now where these are being held up.

Going back to my particular bill, the brain injury community has been without hope for a long time. Bill C-277, is designed to set up a national strategy on brain injuries. I have received compliments from Conservative and Liberal MPs across the political spectrum. They have told me that this is a good bill and this is what is needed. The brain injury community's hopes are being dashed right now because of this filibuster.

Just last week, because of the support this bill has, I sought unanimous consent to see it reported, go through report stage, through third reading and be sent off to the Senate. This was denied by the Conservatives. I have been trying to find ways we can get good legislation through this impasse, but we are at a stage right now, this last week of sitting, where the partisan emotions are so high that we are unable to see past each other's talking points, especially the Liberals and the Conservatives, to find a way to let good legislation go through. This is not only a shame on us as an institution, but it is a shame for Canadians.

With the new incoming Trump administration, the way Canadians are falling behind in the cost of living crisis and what we are going to do with the future of our foreign policy, it is a dangerous world out there. It is not good for Canadians within our borders. We are stuck in this stasis field of continuous filibustering, and the House is not living up to the expectations of Canadians. I urge my fellow parliamentarians to reach for the spirit of Christmas, if they need to, but we need to find a way to break this impasse. We need to find a way to live up to the expectations of our constituents.

I will conclude with the following. I fully agree with the unfettered right of the House of Commons to send for papers. The Liberals have some explaining to do. They need to answer why they are not releasing all of those documents and why some of those documents were redacted. However, I am not going to absolve the Conservatives of responsibility on this either. They are the ones who are putting up speaker after speaker. They are the ones who are preventing us from voting on their motion—

Oral QuestionsPoints of OrderOral Questions

December 6th, 2024 / 12:20 p.m.


See context

NDP

Alistair MacGregor NDP Cowichan—Malahat—Langford, BC

Madam Speaker, I am raising a point of order with regard to the proceedings of the Standing Committee on Health back in October. As the House records will show, on October 3, 10 and 24, there were three meetings at that standing committee that were dealing with the subject matter of Bill C-277, an act to establish a national strategy on brain injuries. That bill was referred to the committee at second reading on June 12, and it was reported back to the House on October 28, again with unanimous support.

Because of those proceedings, I would ask for unanimous consent for the following motion that, notwithstanding any standing order—

HealthCommittees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

October 28th, 2024 / 3:15 p.m.


See context

Liberal

Sean Casey Liberal Charlottetown, PE

Madam Speaker, I have the honour to present, in both official languages, the 21st report of the Standing Committee on Health in relation to Bill C-277, an act to establish a national strategy on brain injuries.

The committee has studied the bill and has decided to report the bill back to the House with amendments.

The Chair Liberal Sean Casey

Thank you, Mr. MacGregor. Congratulations.

That concludes the clause-by-clause review of Bill C-277.

Mr. Collins, you are free to spend the rest of your day doing something equally interesting if you so desire. Thanks for being with us.

Our agenda calls for us to move in camera to consider the draft report, so I'm inclined to suspend the meeting, unless somebody has something to say before I do.

Mr. Doherty.

Luc Thériault Bloc Montcalm, QC

We don't want to mislead the people who are waiting for this national strategy and who are right to want it as soon as possible. I repeat, however, that the main issue is to ensure that the Senate doesn't drag its feet when it comes to examining this bill. We don't seem to have any control over the Senate. The Senate doesn't give priority to bills originating from MPs.

In addition, there is another problem. As Mr. Ellis pointed out, the House is not considering any bills at the moment. How long will this last?

Fortunately, if prorogation occurs, the bill won't necessarily die on the Order Paper. However, if an election is called, Bill C‑277 will no longer exist. People need to know that. That's the real deadline, in my opinion. We need to tell people so they don't get the wrong idea.

Right now my Conservative friends are telling my Liberal friends that the reason the government is proposing this amendment is because they don't want to move forward in 12 months. That has nothing to do with it. The real deadline is a possible election call. If we have an election and there's a change of government, it will be some time before the machinery starts up again, work resumes in the House and such a bill is reintroduced. That's what will happen, unless the Senate fast-tracks the bill. However, that would surprise me enormously.

In fact, is there anyone who can tell us if the Senate is waiting for the bill and is willing to fast-track it before we call an election? If so, I'll join my colleagues. In fact, I'm almost tempted to join them just to show that it won't happen. However, I don't want to mislead the public or the people who are waiting for this strategy.

That's my point. I think it's fair to say so. I, too, am in contact with the Quebec government.

Right now, the possibility of an election changes things completely. By the way, I'd like to remind my Liberal friends that October 29 is Tuesday.

That's what I have to say to you.

Stephen Ellis Conservative Cumberland—Colchester, NS

What the senators are struggling with right now is the question of privilege before the House. As you know, Mr. Thériault, the reason for this question of privilege is that our Liberal partners don't want to provide the House with all the information. That's what I think the problem is right now. It's acceptable for the information provided to be partially redacted, but it's necessary to have all the documents requested in order to make a decision.

In the case of Bill C‑277, if the process can conceivably be completed in 12 months, I feel that that is what we must aim for. Considering all the Canadians who are watching the committee's work right now, I don't think it's appropriate to say it will take 18 months. What Canadians want to hear is that it will only take 12 months to put the brain injury strategy in place.

That's what I think the problem is. That's why we need to pass the bill as Mr. MacGregor has written. Indeed, in the context of this bill, a 12-month deadline is sufficient.

Yasir Naqvi Liberal Ottawa Centre, ON

Thanks, Chair.

I move that Bill C-277 in clause 3 be amended by replacing line 1 on page 3 with the following:

“3 (1) Within 18 months after the day on which this Act”

The simple purpose behind this amendment is, again, to create flexibility in time for the appropriate work that needs to happen in order to develop this important framework. It allows for that flexibility of up to 18 months, as opposed to just 12 months, to do the appropriate engagement with provinces, territories, indigenous peoples and other stakeholders. It ensures that the jurisdiction for health care rests with the provinces, that the administration of health care is within provincial and territorial jurisdiction and that the Government of Canada is appropriately engaging with those entities and indigenous communities in developing this national strategy. Therefore, that flexibility in the timeline will be helpful.

Once again, I have discussed this change with Mr. MacGregor and explained to him the reason behind saying “within 18 months” as opposed to just 12 months. It's to create that time flexibility.

Yasir Naqvi Liberal Ottawa Centre, ON

Thanks, Chair.

I move to amend clause 2 in Bill C-277 by, (a), replacing lines 13 and 14 on page 2 with the following:

(g) foster collaboration with national, provincial and local brain injury

(b), replacing line 16 on page 2 with the following:

velop enhanced and integrated mental

and (c), replacing lines 30 to 34 on page 2 with the following:

(j) develop and publish online resources providing current facts, research and best practices related to brain injuries; and

There are three changes here that I'll speak to.

This amendment is being proposed to remove provisions that would encroach on provincial and territorial jurisdiction, or legislate specific financial support. Typically with bills like this, when you're creating guidelines, it is important to create the framework. When the framework is created, then you determine the needs of the funding, what kind of funding is needed in what amount. Then that funding, of course, through the usual process of approving funding through Treasury Board, etc., is approved.

There are a few examples. Most recently, that was the process that was followed with, for example, the firefighter health bill that MP Romanado brought forward. There was the framework on autism, I think brought forward by MP Lake, where a very similar process was followed. The diabetes strategy that MP Sidhu brought forward was done in a similar way. This is keeping it very much aligned with the practice that has been pursued in these types of bills.

The other change that's being proposed in paragraph 2(2)(g) is to remove the requirement, as I mentioned, around the financial support so that we can determine what's needed.

Additionally, we are proposing that we amend paragraph 2(2)(j) to remove reference to maintaining a national website in collaboration with Brain Injury Canada. The purpose behind this is that it's highly unusual to indicate or highlight one organization, as is the case here with Brain Injury Canada. It's simply from the perspective of what if, some years from now, Brain Injury Canada does not exist, or they change their name, or they amalgamate with another organization? It's probably more prudent to make reference to organizations that deal with brain injury in a more general way so that we don't run into a situation where the legislation feels obsolete, or does not speak to what the reality is, or highlights just one specific entity. The attempt in this amendment is to remove a specific reference to Brain Injury Canada and make the language more general in terms of organizations that work in that space.

Lastly, we're proposing that a national website be replaced with online resources. Again, it's to make the language more inclusive so that there could be flexibility on all kinds of resources, including a website, of course, that could provide the information that has been referenced to.

Once again, I want to say that I've spoken to Mr. MacGregor about these changes. We've had a discussion around that and around the reasons these amendments are being proposed.

Luc Thériault Bloc Montcalm, QC

I'll read it first.

I move that Bill C‑277, in clause 2, be amended by replacing line 16 on page 1 with the following:

(b) assist in identifying the training, education and guidance

As I already said in the speech I gave on the bill, there's a difference between the wording I'm proposing and that currently found in the bill, where it says that the government will “identify the training […] needs”, and so on, whereas this falls under provincial jurisdiction. This bill will come into force and this strategy will be developed once everyone feels concerned and is willing to collaborate.

That's why, in my opinion, it's better to write that we'll “help identify training needs”, and so on. This would be much better received by the partners, and we'd have a better chance of achieving a positive result.

Yasir Naqvi Liberal Ottawa Centre, ON

I move that Bill C-277, in clause 2, be amended by replacing line 13 on page 1 with the following:

(2) The strategy may include measures designed to

The amendment is being proposed to provide greater flexibility to determine the content of the strategy, following consultations with provinces, territories, stakeholders and indigenous peoples.

By having the word “shall”, it's restricting the consultation process to just the factors that are enumerated in that particular clause. By having the word “may”, it broadens it up. It is more inclusive, and it allows for a broader consultation process with the eye of developing the framework.

Thus, engagement should be meaningful and allow for the inclusion of their priorities, while keeping it in federal jurisdiction as we do the consultations and as we develop the framework being required by this legislation, if approved.

That's the reason behind the amendment to replace “shall” with “may”.

The Chair Liberal Sean Casey

Thank you.

I'd like to provide members of the committee with some instructions and a few comments on how the committee will proceed with clause-by-clause consideration of Bill C-277.

As the name indicates, this is an examination of all the clauses in the order in which they appear in the bill. I will call each clause successively, and each clause is subject to debate and a vote.

If there are amendments to the clause in question, I will recognize the member proposing it, who may explain it. The amendment will then be open for debate. When no further members wish to intervene, the amendment will be voted on.

The amendments will be considered in the order in which they appear in the bill, or in the package each member received from the clerk.

Members should note that amendments must be submitted in writing to the clerk of the committee.

I will go slowly to allow members to follow the proceedings properly. If I break that promise, remind me, and I'll slow down.

Amendments have been given a number in the top right corner to indicate which party submitted them. There's no need for a seconder to move an amendment. Once moved, you will need unanimous consent to withdraw it.

During debate on an amendment, members are permitted to move subamendments. These subamendments must be submitted in writing. They do not require the approval of the mover of the amendment.

Only one subamendment may be considered at a time, and the subamendment cannot be further amended.

When a subamendment is moved to an amendment, it is voted on first. Then another subamendment may be moved, or the committee may consider the main amendment and vote on it.

Once every clause has been voted on, the committee will vote on the title and the bill itself. An order to reprint the bill may be required if amendments are adopted, so that the House has a proper copy for use at report stage.

Finally, the committee will have to order the chair to report the bill to the House. That report contains only the text of any adopted amendments as well as an indication of any deleted clauses.

The Chair Liberal Sean Casey

I call this meeting to order.

Welcome to meeting number 134 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health.

Before we begin, I'd like to ask all in-person participants to read the guidelines on the cards on the table. These measures are in place to protect the health and safety of all participants, including the interpreters, and to help prevent audio and feedback incidents.

In accordance with our routine motion, I'm informing the committee that all remote participants have completed the required connection tests in advance of the meeting.

Pursuant to an order of reference adopted by the House of Commons on Wednesday, June 12, 2024, the committee is commencing its clause-by-clause consideration of Bill C-277, an act to establish a national strategy on brain injuries.

I'd like to welcome our witness, who is available for any content-related questions on the legislation. We also have a couple of experts to my right from the legislative counsel office, Jean-François Pagé and Alexie Labelle, who are here for any procedural or technical questions in connection with the legislation.

The witness we have with us, whom I'm pleased to welcome, is Michael Collins, vice president of health promotion and chronic disease prevention branch. Thanks for being with us.

I presume you don't have any sort of a statement. You're here for any questions that may arise. Am I correct in that?

The Chair Liberal Sean Casey

I call this meeting to order.

Welcome to meeting number 133 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health.

Before we begin, I would ask everyone in the room to have a look at the guidelines on this card. The measures are in place to help prevent audio and feedback incidents, and to protect the health and safety of all participants, including the interpreters. Thanks for your co-operation on that.

In accordance with our routine motion, I'm informing the committee that all remote participants have had the required connection tests administered. We're having a challenge with Mr. May, but it's not going to further delay the start of the meeting. I expect that we'll get along just fine. I just want you to know that's done.

Before we begin, I would like to remind members that the clause-by-clause consideration of Bill C-277, on brain injuries, is this Thursday. The deadline to submit amendments is in another 51 minutes. At noon today, the amendment package will be circulated as soon as possible after the deadline passes.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted on November 8, 2023, the committee is resuming its study of the opioid epidemic and toxic drug crisis in Canada.

I'd like to welcome our panel of witnesses. We have with us today Jean-Sébastien Fallu, associate professor, Université de Montréal, appearing online.

We have Masha Krupp in the room. She is a mother who has lost her daughter to a methadone overdose, and whose son has an opioid addiction.

From the City of Toronto, we have Dr. Eileen de Villa, the medical officer of health.

Thank you all for being with us today. As has been explained to you, you will have up to five minutes for your opening statement.

I now give the floor to Jean‑Sébastien Fallu, who is appearing by video conference.

Luc Thériault Bloc Montcalm, QC

My next question is for Ms. McDonald, who is extremely eloquent.

Bill C‑277provides the following:

(j) maintain, in collaboration with Brain Injury Canada, a national information website providing current facts [...]

How would you achieve that goal?