Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
It is good that we have the resources until 10:00 p.m., because the topic we are dealing with today is so pertinent and so important that it is best if we all understand what is behind the motion we are discussing.
The motion we are studying, as introduced by Mr. Barrett, my colleague opposite, may be noble in its objectives, as he said so well, but I have doubts as to its relevance. I can describe the motion with a single word: redundant.
I will go over each of its requests one by one.
When I first received this motion, I tried to understand what it was all about. Of course, I understood that it asked for the Privy Council Office to provide us with information on the application of the conflict of interest screen, even though that information has already been provided after Mr. Sabia appeared here, before this very committee.
Let us also recall that the information was communicated to the public during a meeting of this committee, along with the letter we received from the Privy Council Office. The letter explained, word by word, what is requested and the way in which the screen was applied. In addition, what is of interest, certainly to the members of this committee and to the Canadians following our work today, is the way in which the assessment was done. It is important for us to know that this is an authority exercised by the government and by ministers, of course, especially when it comes to the Prime Minister.
The screen is applied according to conditions.
I have seen no witness, I repeat, no witness, appearing before this committee who has questioned the current process of monitoring conflict of interest. If I use the Prime Minister as an example of this monitoring, the Ethics Commissioner himself recognized before this committee that the process of monitoring conflicts of interest established for the Prime Minister—as I said earlier—and which also served to trigger an assessment and to govern the whole process, is effective.
What do we mean by “effective”? This is important because effectiveness means that objectives have been met. I am explaining what the term means because, once again, something here is redundant. For the information of us all, “effective” means that the desired results have been achieved. That's what “effective” means.
The question that I would ask my colleague who is introducing this motion today is this: What is it all about?
If the measures are effective and achieve their objectives, why are we asking to be given every single item?
I am still trying to understand this motion because I feel that it might have been put together at the last minute on the back of a napkin. Once again, I am giving him a chance, because his basic objective is quite a noble one.
Let me return to the notion of effectiveness.
I am saying that the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner recognized that the current process of monitoring conflicts of interest that was established to trigger, manage and monitor the whole system is effective. It is effective in preventing—notice that I said “preventing”, not just “monitoring”—any case of an appearance of conflict of interest. That is the system we have in place.
Next—and now I am referring to the questions raised in the motion and to several questions we have heard today—it is important to know whether these measures that we have on paper and that everyone considers to be effective are practical. The answer is yes. Not only have the Prime Minister and his team used these screens, known to be effective, but they have also been transparent with us and have told us when, how and in which situations they have been applied.
I will now go through the items one by one because, as I have said, the use of the conflict of interest screen has been evaluated. The information has already been provided to us here. We have already been told how many situations were covered. Clearly, the Prime Minister's conflict of interest screen has been applied.
Let's move on.
We are asking for the information to be available on the 15th day of each month. I understand why the 15th day was chosen. It is because it may allow the information from the previous month to be gathered, plus 15 days in which to prepare and send the reports. Some may see that as bureaucratic and involving more paperwork, but I understand why my colleague proposes the 15th day. I understand this technical detail.
However, what I feel that my colleague and his team do not understand is that our country is presently involved in a tariff war. The tariff war requires our Prime Minister to look for partnerships all over the world to mitigate the situation under which we were a little dependent on the United States.
Look at how the motion is written. I would really like the people listening to us to understand exactly what is being requested. It also asks for every trip that the Prime Minister takes to be listed. But that is information we can already have. Absolutely nothing is being hidden; all the information is already public.
On February 13, 2026, the Privy Council Office committed to doing that, specifically and in writing. We already had that commitment. Last February 13, the Privy Council Office told the members of this very committee that, on a quarterly basis, it would provide the committee with details about the cases and situations in which the Prime Minister's conflict of interest screen has been applied. Moreover, as late as November, towards the end of the year, we received some details. On February 13, 2026, we received the first quarterly report. The commitment the government agreed to was fulfilled, as we can all see.
So once again, I ask my colleague: What is this about?
I go back to the press conference this morning because it is important. I really liked my colleagues speaking about transparency and, above all, the public's trust in institutions. That is important.
However, let us not forget that sometimes when we try to influence perceptions, when we talk about hypotheticals and when we try to get our faces on TV, it can erode the public's trust in our institutions of any kind. I can tell you this because I have experienced it myself. I have worked very hard with young people, trying to encourage them to feel closer to institutions, whether that be the police, the fire service, local councils, cities, or provincial and federal institutions. Sometimes, on social media, you can find posts designed to get the greatest possible number of views. They concentrate on the sensational rather than on the facts, and that can damage the efforts made by elected officials, by our institutions, and by the government to gain the trust of young and old alike.
Introducing this motion today is an attempt to send a message that the government is in the business of hiding things from us or not giving us all the information. That is wrong. What this motion introduced by my colleague Michael Barrett does not say is that the government and the Privy Council Office are doing a lot of work on transparency. That is why I took the floor now to state that I am not in total agreement with the motion.
When Mr. Barrett spoke earlier, he did not mention that last February 13 we received a first report for the period ending on January 31, 2026. So we have a report that brings transparency and clarity to the subject, not only for the committee, but also for the public. We do not want the matter of applying the Prime Minister's conflict of interest filter to be something that confuses Canadians. On the contrary, the Privy Council Office stepped up. It provided all the information and explained in detail how the process is triggered and how things are handled subsequently. It told us about the Prime Minister's response. It told us what happened and what did not happen. I found it crystal clear. The information is complete and transparent and shows an openness for discussion.
Despite that, a motion was introduced that insinuates that we have received nothing and that there's a wall or a black box that prevents people from seeing what is going on. Frankly, that's completely wrong. The opposite is true. Introducing a motion like this is simply an attempt to influence perceptions and to get faces on TV. It's an attempt to send a message that we are hiding something. That's completely wrong. I have the dates, the facts and the items that were asked for.
So that I do not forget, I would like to go back over the items requested in the reports.
First, there was a request for a summary of each instance where an assessment was triggered. We have that already.
Then, there was a request for a record of the outcome of each analysis. That was requested for each monthly report, but not all government files are handled in a month. That's something that those opposite have unfortunately failed to understand.
The motion also asks for any records of discussions or considerations that are in the possession of the Privy Council Office. Once again, not all that information will be accessible in a month. So there may be some redundancy in the very request. The same reports will reappear each time, given that the files may not be finished, simply because the discussions will not have been completed.
We are also asking, not only for the minutes of each analysis, but also for any correspondence related to each analysis, including emails, text messages, instant messages and other records of conversations.
According to the motion, the first report should be in the committee's hands by June 15, 2026.
Let's be serious. How many resources are they going to have to mobilize in order to gather all that information? I repeat that it is redundant, because it has already been provided or will be. The request is for all the details. But too much information sounds the death knell of real information. Too much is as bad as not enough, as they say.
Now let's look at point b) of the motion. I am at a loss for words here, but I am keeping my head when all around are losing theirs. That's important. At least, I hope so.
Point b) of the motion that Mr. Barrett is introducing today asks the committee to “order the production of the Prime Minister's travel itineraries and related records for all international travel he has taken since he became the Prime Minister that are in the possession of the Privy Council Office, the Prime Minister's Office or any federal government department”. It also asks for a list of every attendee at every meeting he attended.
Do you recall that, when we met with Mr. Sabia and Mr. Marc‑André Blanchard in a public meeting in this very room, we asked them a question about this very matter? I seem to remember that only one of the people I see opposite today was at that meeting, namely Mr. Hardy. When we asked the question, their answer was that they could provide that information.
So what he is trying to do here by introducing this motion today is to say that we have no information. I said it before and I am saying it again: That is not true. I can surely be forgiven for having some doubts about the intent of this motion and the motives behind it.