Thank you very much for having me.
I will start by saying that ethics regulation, as you all know, is important and complicated work. There is a lot of room for robust dialogue and disagreement about how ethics regimes should be designed. There is no perfect way to do this. There is no way to rid the system entirely of ethical transgressions. There will always be debate about where the line is. No matter how well crafted the rules are, there's no substitute for good judgment. An individual's own ethical compass is always going to be a much greater determinant of their actions than any code of conduct.
When we create and revise conflict of interest and ethics rules for politicians and public office holders, the goal is obviously to protect the public and protect the public interest. Those who occupy public office are also private citizens with interests of their own. We want to make sure that elected officials' private interests do not affect public policy and do not take precedence over the public interest, so we ask elected and public officials to accept certain rules, constraints and responsibilities to maintain a healthy and transparent separation between their public roles and their private interests. The specifics of these responsibilities are going to depend on the kind of role they play; for a cabinet minister, it's going to be different than for a backbencher.
The ethics regime has been adapted over time, often in response to new events, new circumstances and new people. Sometimes there's controversy and it will get a lot of media coverage. If there's a scandal that grips the public's attention, there's a sense that there must be something wrong in the rules or there's some loophole that needs to be closed.
Sometimes, where there's smoke, there's fire, but not always. All public office holders have their own personal circumstances and they interact with the ethics regime in unique ways. Some people have fairly straightforward financial portfolios and likely wouldn't need an ethical screen even if they held the highest public office. Other people have significant financial holdings or they have had leadership roles in the private sector, which could result in the need for a more in-depth effort to separate out their public responsibilities and their private interests.
Others still have relationships, as opposed to financial circumstances, that give rise to a sense of conflict of interest or potential impropriety of some kind. We tend to focus on finance when we talk about conflicts of interest, but sometimes social circumstances can also cause the public to be concerned about whether or not people are acting appropriately.
I'm going to try in a couple of minutes to address some of the issues that the committee has been talking about in recent days.
First, I think I understand the concern about blind trusts. The problem, I think, is that the public office holder is not completely blind. You know what you own when things go into a blind trust. The public is blind, though, because the specific circumstances of blind trusts and ethical screens are not available to them. They get the general; they don't get the specifics. There are trade-offs, obviously, between the public's right to know and the individual's right to privacy when it comes to their financial holdings and those of their family. It's not a small thing. Overreach with respect to disclosure and asset management can deter some people from holding public office. I don't gloss over that. I think it's very important. It is important to remember that ethics regimes exist to enable people's participation in politics, not to make it impossible and not to make it undesirable. Access to political office, as you know better than I do, is important. We want to make sure that's real.
Questions have been raised about whether ethics rules should apply to leadership candidates. Leadership contests are run by political parties for the most part, as you know, with Elections Canada having an oversight role when it comes to the flow of money, because there are limits about what you can give, how much you can give and who can give. That's fine. In other words, this is not the wild west and it's not totally lawless. To expect leadership candidates to disclose their assets would be to place an undue burden on candidates who at that point are private citizens, unless they are elected or members of cabinet already, in which case they are already subject to an ethics regime. However, as private citizens and as candidates alone, they have no power. They're not making decisions on behalf of the public. They're not directing finances. They're not doing any of that, so disclosure requirements at that point would have no public purpose and serve no public value.
However, if it's the case that you're looking for a loophole—and this sort of thing doesn't keep me awake at night, but if it does—there might be one here given the fact that opposition party leaders are not subject to an ethics regime in the event that they are not part of the executive. If somebody is running for leader of an opposition party and they win, if you're not the government, you're not subject to the Conflict of Interest Act. To the extent that you want to worry about this person perhaps becoming Prime Minister soon in the event there is a defeat of the government and there's a replacement by a new person, maybe that's a loophole, yet the person would be subject to the Conflict of Interest Act in the event that they became a member of the executive. I'm not stressed out about any of that.
I'm going to stop because that's my five minutes.