Foreign Affairs Committee on May 22nd, 2024

[Stéphane Bergeron, Bloc, Montarville, QC]

Mr. Diaw, you have two minutes to answer my previous question.

[Modou Diaw]

I'm sorry, what was your question?

[Stéphane Bergeron, Bloc, Montarville, QC]

My question is about the bleak picture you painted of the situation in Africa. Earlier, I mentioned the fact that an effort was being made to convince Canada that Africa is a land of opportunity and to encourage it to invest massively in Africa again.

What are your comments on that?

[Modou Diaw]

Africa, of course, is a land of opportunity.

I can give you many examples. I just mentioned the democratic transition in Senegal, southern Africa and eastern Africa. There are some countries, like Kenya, with a lot of good opportunities right now.

If you look at the Sahelian countries, which are facing this crisis, or if you look at Sudan, just to name a few, I think there are still opportunities. An actor like Canada can play a very special role, at least in reconnecting with the international community.

We know for a fact that we live in a world of interdependence. Unfortunately, some of these countries have a historical relationship with certain countries that were former colonizers, if you will, so it is very difficult today for them to talk to one another and to establish a partner relationship on an equal footing.

When I meet with the authorities in all these countries, all they ask for is to have partners who can talk to them in an egalitarian manner and to establish a partnership where everyone wins. I think Canada has a very special and very specific profile, so it can play a role in reconnecting with those countries, at least to open up existing and real economic opportunities.

[Stéphane Bergeron, Bloc, Montarville, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Diaw.

[Modou Diaw]

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Thank you very much, Mr. Bergeron.

Next, we'll go to Madam McPherson. You have two minutes.

[Heather McPherson, NDP, Edmonton Strathcona, AB]

Thank you very much.

Thank you for your testimony today. One of the things I'm reflecting on is the fact that many of the conflicts we're seeing, in the sub-Saharan African continent in particular, are repeat conflicts. We have seen conflict flare up in Sudan and the DRC repeatedly. I feel like Canada has that important role to play as peacekeepers, and we're not seeing Canada play that role any longer.

I'm wondering if I could just ask each of you to talk a bit about the importance of having countries like Canada engage in peacekeeping in the region because of the repetitive nature of some of these conflicts.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Why don't we go to Mr. Sultan?

[Benjamin Sultan]

Indeed, I think that Canada can really play an important role in conflicts. Those conflicts often have major consequences, particularly as regards internal displacement in Africa, where huge numbers of people are displaced as a result of those conflicts. It's the leading cause.

The second cause is climate and global warming. I also think that there's a connection between global warming and those conflicts, which are often the result of diminishing resources, such as water. In that case, having aid and a partnership with Canada could be critical to improving security in the region.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Ms. Heines, you have 20 seconds.

[Modou Diaw]

I can respond.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Okay, Mr. Diaw, you have 20 seconds.

[Modou Diaw]

I think that Canada's neutral profile can make it a key player in tackling the root causes of conflict. The problem is that, to date, the issues are only being superficially resolved, without the root causes being addressed. I'm referring to climate change, poverty, economic underdevelopment and debt. If we can tackle those underlying causes, the impact of the conflicts may eventually wane.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Thank you very much.

That concludes our questions.

At this point, once again, I wanted to thank you for having accommodated the delay in starting the meeting. I appreciate full well how late it is in the evening, given where you are located. On behalf of all the members, I want to thank you for your time and your expertise.

We will now suspend for no more than a minute. Two of the witnesses are here. The next one has done the sound check. Given that we only have limited time, until 6.30 p.m., we will try to get started as soon as possible.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Welcome back, everyone. I would now like to start with the second panel.

We are very grateful to have with us here, from Cuso International, Nicholas Moyer, chief executive officer; from Food for the Hungry, Jonathan Papoulidis; and, joining us virtually, we have Abdirahman Ahmed.

Why don't we start off with Mr. Moyer.

You have five minutes for your opening remarks.

[Nicolas Moyer, Chief Executive Officer, Cuso International]

Good afternoon.

First, I want to thank the committee for inviting me to appear today.

Cuso International was founded 63 years ago by Canadians who felt that their country could make a significant contribution to world progress. Our model is based on collaboration, and we work closely with local private and public sector partners and with non-profit organizations around the world. We address the root causes of inequality to improve the economic and social conditions of marginalized groups.

We do that by focusing on three priorities: advancing gender equality and social inclusion, creating economic opportunities and promoting climate action.

Although our work focuses on those areas of activity, Cuso is often better known for its history of volunteer co‑operation. Sharing skills remains an important way for us to have an impact on communities. Over the years, we have deployed over 14,000 volunteers in more than 100 countries, and we continue to work with Global Affairs Canada on the roll-out of Canada's volunteer co‑operation program. Today, we are active in 17 countries, including six in Africa. Some 88 volunteer co‑operants are currently in Africa.

As you've heard—or hopefully have heard—in previous consultations and committee hearings, for a range of strategic reasons, it's clear that Canada would benefit immensely from recommitting to Africa. Yet, despite a period of strong ties in the 1970s and 1980s, elements of Canada’s recent history in Africa paint an opposite picture, one of disengagement. It's to the point where, in some places, its presence and relevance has all but disappeared. Diplomatic infrastructure offers one illustration of this, as Canada has missions in only two-fifths of Africa’s 54 countries. Another is the disappearance of Canada's most visible brand on the continent, CIDA.

The longer this estrangement persists, the more challenging it will be to repair. That's even more so in the face of deepening influence by other global actors that have prioritized engagement on the continent.

Canada’s feminist international assistance policy, FIAP, commits 50% of aid to be directed to projects in sub-Saharan countries. Cuso is keenly aware of and helping to address the systemic challenges of so many communities in that region. We unreservedly applaud this focus on the most marginalized.

With the added support provided through the FIAP, the African continent is seeing very positive signs in the fight against gender inequality and discrimination. This progress is especially consequential in the context of Africa’s demographic and economic surge. Africa’s infant mortality rate has been declining steadily for years now. It's the direct result of increased access to education and health services for women, fewer teen pregnancies and lower incidences of child marriage. These are all areas covered by the FIAP.

However impactful these contributions, Canada’s undertakings in Africa should not be defined by a charity mindset or an aid policy. Indeed, given its size and future prospects, it may be more appropriate to consider that Canada needs Africa more than Africa needs Canada.

Canada must engage on multiple levels and adopt a clear, principled stance: No more talk by Canada about Africa or for Africa’s development. To be taken more seriously on the continent, for its word to be trusted and for its advice to carry weight, Canada needs to reinvest in partnerships to show leadership by convening like-minded allies, organizing international summits and conferences, and redefining our relationship with countries on the continent in a way that centres their interests as much as Canada's own.

This means shifting whole ways of thinking that have long been embedded in bureaucracy and systems. Our sector calls this decolonization. It's an area where we are all uncovering many lessons about more meaningful and impactful forms of collaboration.

Canada can be a leader again, if not by the power of its purse, then with conviction, coherence and long-term commitment to our partners. It sounds deceptively simple. It isn't. This path requires changing how Canada develops relationships. It means choosing partners carefully and strategically, embedding their interests in our own decision-making, being coherent across multiple policies and practices, and resisting distractions to staying the course over the long term.

Relationships with civil society should be a top priority as Canada embarks on this new direction worthy of equal or greater attention than relations with public or private sectors. It's civil society that delivers change at a systems level with credibility, accountability and unparalleled cost effectiveness. As we see time after time, our African partners are driving their own solutions and collaborating amongst themselves, with Canadian NGOs increasingly shifting to a supporting role.

The international co‑operation sector is ready to contribute to this effort, as it has done in decades past. I also encourage Canada to tap into the expertise and networks we have cultivated over many years of engagement in Africa. Both represent tremendous potential.

Today's conversation with this committee is an excellent step in that direction. I am honoured and grateful for this opportunity to share our organization's perspectives with you. I look forward to your questions and the discussion ahead.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Thank you very much, Mr. Moyer.

We now go to Mr. Papoulidis.

You have five minutes as well.

[Jonathan Papoulidis, Vice-President, Food for the Hungry]

Thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the committee, for the invitation to contribute to this critical study on Canada's approach to Africa.

Food for the Hungry, including our FH Canada affiliate, has been working in Africa for four decades. We design, develop and deliver catalytic solutions that build resilience so that children, families and community can flourish. We do so through community-led development to provide health, water, education and food security solutions, with gender and environment as cross-cutting themes.

Much of the testimony that you already heard has outlined the significant opportunities on the continent, from the Africa free trade agreement and forecast that 12 of the 20 fastest-growing economies in 2024 will be from Africa, to the youth bulge who will contribute to tomorrow's global and regional workforce, and to the natural wealth that can power a just transition to renewable energy. At the same time, you heard about the converging risks and compounding crises facing the continent, from climate change and worsening disasters to economic shocks and high debt distress, rising instability and conflict, the spectre of future pandemics and epidemics, and deepening poverty. The success of Canada's approach to Africa will hinge on our ability to navigate these complex risks and crises in pursuit of advancing African and Canadian interests.

As surprising as it may sound, the development community has lacked effective assessments and strategic approaches to determine how to achieve peace and development objectives in the face of overlapping risks and crises, and their root causes. Therefore, as you work to define Canada's approach to Africa, our first recommendation is that the committee affirm the fundamental need for a risk and resilience framework, such as the one used by the OECD, to help establish the scope and substance of interventions necessary to support Africa and advance Canadian interests in the face of adverse conditions. This resilience framework should guide Canadian government action to identify complex risks and crises and their root causes; assess the exposure and vulnerabilities presented by these risks and crises to specific sectors, institutions, markets, groups and communities that Canada will prioritize as an outcome of both this study and ongoing work by Global Affairs Canada; and find the entry points within these communities, sectors and markets in order to strengthen resilience through a Canadian whole-of-government approach.

Various studies by the World Bank, the Overseas Development Institute and the UN have found that resilience is central to achieving long-term growth, sustainable poverty escapes and conflict prevention. We've seen positive momentum from Global Affairs Canada to support resilience in several sectors. Canada's feminist foreign policy also presents an opportunity to focus on the resilience of women and girls to a range of shocks and stress.

Given the evidence and importance of resilience in this age of crises, at Food for the Hungry we have recently developed a new evidence-based global program model that is rooted in resilience, which we are currently piloting in Africa and other regions. Together with our peers in Cooperation Canada's food security policy group, we have made recommendations for Global Affairs Canada to support gender-responsive and resilient food systems, which Africa desperately needs in the face of worsening droughts, desertification and other extreme weather events. Canadian NGOs are ready to partner with Canada to advance a multi-sector resilience agenda across Africa. These efforts should take place within a broader co-operation approach among like-minded partners for greater leverage and support.

To this end, our second recommendation is for the increased use and investment in so-called “country platforms” across a range of African countries. Country platforms have gone by different names over the past two decades, but are among the least visible and under-examined mechanisms in development practice. Emerging evidence from Liberia, Somalia, Niger and Rwanda have shown the importance and potential of these platforms to do three things: convene governments, societal stakeholders and like-minded international partners on development; promote mutual accountability between actors; and solve collective action problems, including in times of crisis. The OECD, UN and MDBs have all variously committed to support country platforms. Canada has been the lead donor in support of Mozambique's country platform.

In conclusion, we believe that if Canada adopts a more strategic resilience framework to guide its role in Africa, and if it supports greater collective action, dialogue and mutual accountability between actors, these efforts can exponentially help to support Canada's own understanding of regional developments and opportunities, rally and leverage support from governments and other partners, and help deliver on Canadian national interests in the face of compelling opportunities, but also risks, crises, and uncertainties.

Thank you very much.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Thank you very much, Mr. Papoulidis.

We'll now go to Mr. Ahmed. You have five minutes for your opening remarks.

[Abdirahman Ahmed, As an Individual]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

I would like to start by thanking the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development for inviting me to appear as part of its study on Canada's approach to Africa.

This important reflection is taking place just a few days ahead of the celebrations for Africa Day, initially Africa Freedom Day, held each year on May 25, in memory of the founding of the Organization of African Unity.

For the past 15 years, I've lived and worked in West Africa, North Africa and East Africa. I'd like to mention that, although I was born in East Africa, I grew up and studied in Canada. It was in this country that I was offered my first job after I graduated. It was a project to strengthen the technical skills of Palestinian women in Gaza in the occupied Palestinian territories, a project that was funded at the time by the Canadian International Development Agency.

Regarding my participation in this important study on Canada's approach to Africa, I'd like to begin with a personal reflection on the potential approach.

Will Canada's approach to Africa be businesslike, profit-seeking and condescending, or will it be based on universal values and principles?

It's important to remember that Africa, the cradle of humanity, is a huge continent that is now home to a vast community of nations spread across 54 sovereign states. After Asia, it is the world's second most populous continent, representing one fifth of the world's population, over 70% of whom are young people.

Africa is also a continent rich in natural resources, in minerals—it has 30% of the world's mineral reserves—and available agricultural land. Seen in this light, is it Africa that needs Canada, or Canada that needs the African continent?

While the African continent has its share of difficulties, tragedies and challenges, its potential is just as impressive. Indeed, it boasts a demographic vitality that is fostering the rapid growth of a large middle class, an increasingly well-educated population, abundant natural resources, a more open trade framework thanks to the recent signing by all African countries of an agreement establishing a continent-wide free‑trade zone, and significant diplomatic weight in international forums.

So what approach should Canada take to the African continent?

Before answering that question, let me remind you of the role Canada played after the devastation of the Second World War. At a time when the western world was in the midst of reconstruction and the African continent was engaged in struggles for liberation and independence, Canada could have decided to stay in its corner and opt for isolation. Instead, it decided to play a leading role in shaping a new world order. This bold policy, described by many as the diplomacy of hope, was aimed at creating and strengthening international institutions capable of producing rules and standards to guide international relations.

Thanks to the diplomacy of hope, Canada was able to build a distinct identity, becoming a much‑appreciated mediator between north and south, a promoter of the multilateral system and of peace, notably through the creation of the peacekeepers. Canada's diplomatic activism has paid dividends. The country has been elected six times as a non‑permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. What's more, its expertise in disarmament and peacekeeping has been sought out the world over, and has enabled it to play an important role in a number of forums.

Today, we are living through a period of far greater change than the one in 1945. The world is in the throes of geopolitical transformation, with international relations undergoing profound change and moving towards the establishment of a multipolar world. In this new multipolar world, we are witnessing the emergence of a new balance of power between north and south, in which African countries are demanding that their sovereignty be respected, including their choice of geopolitical alliances and governance.

Whatever happens, one thing is certain: Canada can no longer behave like the good missionary of the last century. It is this reality that must shape Canada's new approach to the African continent. Now is not the time for Canada's current indifference or retreat, but rather, it's time for a bold and ambitious commitment that will set it apart from other economic powers.

To make a real difference on the African continent, Canada should adopt an approach inspired by universalist values, focusing on the following three areas: pragmatic diplomacy and diplomatic activism focused on reforming international institutions to better shape international relations in a multipolar world; more equitable co‑operation and exchanges, where Canadian expertise and technological innovations could help change the game, notably in the fields of culture, education, health, renewable energies, as well as the digital, social and circular economy, and so on.

Finally, Canada needs to be more open and transparent, to increase multidisciplinary exchanges with African universities and to work more closely with cultural and sports centres on the African continent, in conjunction with the African diaspora in Canada.

Thank you for your rapt attention.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ali Ehsassi]

Thank you very much, Mr. Ahmed.

We now go to questions from the members. We will start off with MP Epp. There will be four minutes for each member and for each party.

MP Epp, the floor is yours.

[Dave Epp, Conservative, Chatham-Kent—Leamington, ON]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thank you to all the witnesses.

I'll start with Mr. Papoulidis.

In your first recommendation, you spoke about resiliency frameworks. Can you give us a little more detail, but not too much, only because of a lack of time? Also, how is that different from what Canada is doing now?

[Jonathan Papoulidis]

A resilience framework would have two components. One is looking at the risks that a particular country or region is facing and how they interact, the crises that are also coming about, the root causes and the political economy. The second element is looking at three specific capacities that need to be cultivated for a resilience approach: an absorptive capacity, an adaptive capacity and a transformative capacity. Oftentimes, we'll look at risks as an aid community, but we won't look at building these capacities. We'll try to meet people's needs, which is absolutely fundamental, but until we build those absorptive, adaptive and transformative capacities, we're not actually building resilience.

[Dave Epp, Conservative, Chatham-Kent—Leamington, ON]

Are you basically saying that we need to focus a little more on the development side? There is the humanitarian side, but it is on the development angles where the nexus comes together.