Thank you.
Now we are in a transitional process. Honestly, we can't actually talk about the rule of law. The president is issuing some decrees from time to time, and they are passing as laws. The constitutional process is probably going to take five to seven years—we don't know.
What we have seen so far on the ground is that those kinds of guarantees have not provided the minorities with safety for their lives. Everybody is scared.
The idea is that everybody, both the communities in Syria and the international community, really has to work together. I totally agree with Muzna Dureid, the previous speaker. We all need to collaborate on this. It's a very difficult transition.
At the same time, we have not been able to see the government there, which is receiving some kind of international legitimacy and support, help include those historically persecuted communities in the process of governance. Unfortunately, the experience on the ground for the Alawites, Druze and Kurds has not been good, I should say. The words are there. Statements sometimes come from Damascus, which should be appreciated and encouraged, about the rights of minorities of women. In reality, unfortunately, there have been severe consequences for all of these communities.
They want to negotiate a fair deal with Damascus. To my understanding, nobody's opposed to the international community working with Mr. Sharaa in Damascus now. How is it going to work? Is it going to be a centralized and Islamist government repressing all of the communities, the secular forces and the women?
In that context, I would like to just repeat that, yes, Syria's transition should be supported in any way possible, but at the same time, that support should be clearly conditional to make sure that an inclusive and democratic structure emerges in Syria.