Foreign Affairs Committee on June 2nd, 2026

[Valerie Percival]

It's a very interesting question. Thank you for that.

As I mentioned, the Balkans is a bellwether for global peace and security. We have a situation where the scaffolding of the liberal international order, which was underpinned by the United States, is weakened, and I think you see that in the Balkan region.

I think you see the emergence of potentially a path forward, because you have the role of organizations like the European Union and you have Canada's continued engagement—and hopefully enhanced engagement—in organizations like NATO and the OSCE. The Prime Minister has spoken about working with other middle powers, and the Balkans could be an arena where that agenda could play out.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you very much.

[The Vice-Chair, Conservative, Michael Chong]

Thank you, Monsieur Brunelle-Duceppe.

We'll continue with Madam Cody.

You have five minutes for questions and comments.

[Connie Cody, Conservative, Cambridge, ON]

Thank you, and thank you to the witnesses for coming today.

My question is for Professor Valerie Percival.

Drawing from your expertise in research at the Norman Paterson School on fragile states, gender inclusion and Balkan dynamics, where are the documented gaps in Canada's current response to authoritarian economic tools like the belt and road initiative compared to other interference methods? What evidence-based recommendations would you offer to strengthen democratic resilience and social inclusion across the region?

[Valerie Percival]

That's an excellent question.

One of the things we need to reflect on in terms of the belt and road initiative is that it filled a gap. China provided financing for infrastructure at a time when in some places that financing might not have been more readily available. Also, I would point to the COVID pandemic. China provided vaccines when vaccines were in short supply in other places. I think the vaccines were not as effective as others, but it was a symbolic gesture.

In terms of countering influence—that's a very big question—we need to go back to the fundamentals. It's about having a presence in the region, a diplomatic presence, so that we can identify how other actors are engaging in that kind of financing and support, how we can counter it and where the avenues are for our engagement.

I support a lot of what my colleagues said about the women, peace and security agenda. Gender equality has lost its appeal in the current global backlash against gender equality, but the evidence is 100% crystal clear that supporting gender equality and doing concrete things like ensuring labour force participation—Kosovo has the lowest labour force participation in Europe—are measures that can contribute to more peaceful societies.

[Connie Cody, Conservative, Cambridge, ON]

Your research and teaching have long focused on fragile states, conflict prevention and inclusive governance. China has already secured major infrastructure projects and financing across the western Balkans through the belt and road initiative, creating clear avenues for economic leverage and potential foreign interference. Serbia in particular has emerged as China's principal partner in the region, which included a free trade agreement in 2024.

In your view, how vulnerable does this leave the region to delayed or derailed Euro-Atlantic integration, and what critical gaps exist in Canada's current diplomatic and development response?

[Valerie Percival]

That's another excellent question.

I think countries in the region—and my colleague can probably speak to this in more detail—are weighing different countries off against each other, so the European Union remains the key gravitational force in that region that is helping to ensure economic security and national security.

The role of the People's Republic of China is something to be concerned about. It's not an area that I have done extensive research on with regard to the Balkans, but I have seen it elsewhere. On the role of China particularly with debt, something we're not really paying enough attention to is the degree to which the level of debt can be exploited for geopolitical gain.

[Connie Cody, Conservative, Cambridge, ON]

I'm not sure if you would like to answer this or one of the other witnesses would like to. To what extent does growing Chinese engagement in sectors such as infrastructure, energy and telecommunications have on geopolitical or security implications?

[Valerie Percival]

That is another excellent question, and a tiny bit outside of my wheelhouse, but it definitely does have an impact. The role of China in that space demonstrates that.

One of the other areas of research has been Africa. The engagement of China in the belt and road initiative filled a gap there and provided infrastructure in ways that western donors didn't do. We have to reflect on that, and we also have to think about how important infrastructure is for economic growth and stability.

[The Vice-Chair, Conservative, Michael Chong]

Thank you very much.

We'll now go to Mr. Sari.

[Abdelhaq Sari, Liberal, Bourassa, QC]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

Thank you very much to the witnesses for being here.

I have many questions for them. The more answers they give us, the more our eyes will be opened to the issues that we need to look at and understand better.

Ms. Berishaj‑Sylejmani, you spoke at length about disinformation on the issue of gender equality. In one minute or less, please explain to me how we can counter this disinformation. You started talking about it earlier, but you didn't elaborate on the subject.

I'll give you a few seconds to finish your answer. Afterwards, I will ask the other witnesses some questions.

[Maria Berishaj-Sylejmani]

Thank you very much, MP Sari.

As you said, that's a very important topic, and it's being talked about across the whole Balkans. I mentioned, I think very briefly when I was giving an answer to MP Vandenbeld, that investing in education—and this was also mentioned by one of the ambassadors on the first panel—especially in media literacy programs but also in independent journalism, is one of the most important ways to fight disinformation and counter especially Russian influence. Russian influence comes through different portals and media outlets in Kosovo. We don't know who owns them or where they come from, but it comes mainly from Serbia, which is Russia's proxy in the region when it comes to influence in the security sector.

On investing in education, in this case, the Canadian state and the embassy should be closer to Kosovo. That's the first thing. Second, investing in programs for education, for countering misinformation, for media literacy and for independent journalism should be one of the main issues to counter disinformation and foreign influence, such as Russian influence.

I have to say one more thing. I was looking at infrastructure projects. China has invested in all the Balkan states but Kosovo. We still don't see a big Chinese influence in Kosovo, but Russian influence is there for sure.

[Abdelhaq Sari, Liberal, Bourassa, QC]

Thank you very much, Ms. Berishaj‑Sylejmani.

Ms. Recaj, I'll turn to you for a very important question. Sometimes, when we want to carry out operations in a country—whatever that country may be—there is always a risk of misunderstanding. What role do researchers like you and the diaspora play in helping us gain a better understanding before intervening in a country like that?

[Krenare Recaj]

The role of the diaspora is extremely important. When I say that we need to look at Kosovo as a pro-western state, this doesn't mean that we aren't looking at the Serb diaspora at all. Diasporas are often made up of people who can assess and be frustrated but can also pull levers in their own states. The Kosovar, Albanian and Serbian diasporas in Canada can play important roles in pushing their governments towards a more pro-western stance.

I really want to put that on the table. It's not just about looking at the Kosovar and Albanian diasporas. The Serbian diaspora in Canada also has a lot of goodwill towards the west and Canada. We can rely on them as emissaries and diplomats within Canada to speak to their country and to advocate for better policies.

[Abdelhaq Sari, Liberal, Bourassa, QC]

Thank you.

In closing, I have a question that you can answer quickly, Ms. Percival: Could tensions surrounding the issue of identity also have an influence? You spoke earlier about the issue of human security. Could local identity politics also have an influence? How can we truly gain a better understanding before also taking action on this identity issue?

[Valerie Percival]

If I understand the question correctly, you're asking about identity.

[Abdelhaq Sari, Liberal, Bourassa, QC]

I'm talking about identity-related tensions, not necessarily identity itself.

[Valerie Percival]

Reducing ethnic tensions is an area where Canada can engage more. We could be—

[The Vice-Chair, Conservative, Michael Chong]

Be brief, please.

[Valerie Percival]

We can draw on our experiences in Canada in terms of relations with Quebec.

[The Vice-Chair, Conservative, Michael Chong]

Thank you very much.

Mr. Brunelle‑Duceppe, you have two and a half minutes.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Ms. Recaj, you told us that a number of countries were trying to normalize their relations with Serbia and that, in your opinion, those countries were on the wrong track. If I understand correctly—please correct me if I'm wrong—Canada is taking a somewhat backseat approach to this push to normalize relations with Serbia, but it is participating in a certain way, precisely by staying in the background. I would like you to tell us how you view Canada's position regarding this kind of a push—which is coming from all over—to normalize relations with Serbia.

[Krenare Recaj]

The normalization talks between Serbia and Kosovo are EU-led. The European Union is leading those talks. They're backed mostly by the United States, which is the main stakeholder and has been the main stakeholder.

Canada hasn't had a very prominent role in them, other than taking, I would say, a passive role on the side of its allies. It doesn't have a direct involvement in the EU-mediated talks, and it doesn't have the backing or pushing that U.S. politicians and diplomats have in Kosovo.

The point that I made is that Canada has an incredible amount of goodwill and history with Kosovo. As Kosovars, Albanians, Serbians, other ethnicities within Kosovo, and citizens in Serbia get frustrated with the U.S.- and EU-backed talks, Canada can capitalize on its goodwill and take a more progressive and involved approach.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

How could Canada do such a thing, knowing full well that the United States and Europe together are united in their determination to move in a specific direction? How could Canada tell them that they are on the wrong track? I find it difficult, quite honestly and without any bias, to understand how Canada could go against the will of the United States and the European Union. Even if they are on the wrong track, what relative power does Canada have compared to a coalition—which is quite impressive, when we’re talking about Europe and the United States—that is moving in a specific direction?

[The Vice-Chair, Conservative, Michael Chong]

Thank you, Mr. Brunelle‑Duceppe.

Be very brief.