Our process is actually a two-step process. When someone makes a disclosure to our office, it immediately goes to a case analyst. That case analyst deals only and directly with the whistle-blower, no one else, to get as much information as they can about the nature of the allegations. They do an analysis that may include research on applicable policies and laws. Then they make a recommendation to me about whether to investigate or not. We give ourselves 90 days to do that.
During that period of time, no one knows that the disclosure has been made. No one knows who the whistle-blower is except us. We don't communicate anything to anybody else.
If and when we decide that we are going to investigate, then the notice provisions of our act kick in, and we are required under the act to give notice of an investigation to the chief executive. We have to give notice if we're going to show up and start taking away boxes of files, for example.
We give notice that we are investigating a disclosure, and we are required under the act to give the deputy minister or the chief executive the substance of the allegations. We do not name the discloser at that time in that notice. We have given at tab 7 a sample notice letter of an investigation. The reason we give the substance of the allegation is that a fundamental component of natural justice and procedural fairness is to know the case against you.
The discloser is not identified. We then investigate. We can go all the way to a case report before Parliament, and the wrongdoer or the wrongdoing organization would not necessarily.... It's possible to guess, of course, based on facts in a case, and I recognize that the discloser may be someone.... It's not uncommon during an investigation for a potential wrongdoer to speculate as to who the discloser might be. We would never give that information in the course of an investigation.