Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you for proposing to try to find a way through this. I appreciate the intent, but I can't support it for the following reasons.
Earlier, I mentioned that.... I'm just looking around the table. I'm the only one here who's actually read the Volkswagen contract. As I said, the minister said these are mirrored contracts based on the IRA, and they have similar terms. We know Stellantis threatened to leave, because its initial construction announcement happened before the IRA was brought in, and then the IRA happened—President Biden's Inflation Reduction Act—which contained EV battery production subsidies.
The Volkswagen contract was negotiated in the context post-IRA, whereas the Stellantis original contract was done in the context prior to that. As a result—quite rightly so, I think—Stellantis said, “Hey, guys. We're not on a level playing field here. You can't be saying that we don't get that similar treatment when Volkswagen is getting it. If we go to the U.S., we'll get that treatment, but if we stay here, we won't get it. Everyone who goes to the U.S. can get it and Volkswagen will get it here.”
With that in mind, it put the construction at bay. While the mirror agreement, or the agreement that's similar.... I'm assuming, based on the production numbers and the PBO report, that it's similar.
I am going to say one thing about what's in the VW contract about the issue of public release. The VW contract says the contract can be released publicly, but before it gets released publicly, the government must seek VW's consent to protect only the things that are commercially sensitive to Volkswagen. There's no ability of the government to redact the things that it thinks are politically sensitive, like the section around the lack of commitment to Canadian jobs. It can't exempt that out of some political narrative. The Volkswagen contract says only the company can, and it can do it only for commercially sensitive reasons.
There were three sections redacted when we saw it. There was the section on the number of batteries to be produced every year, but it wasn't difficult to figure out. For some strange reason, the section on the construction contracts of the plant was redacted. VW thought that was commercially sensitive.
Volkswagen, knowing that a bunch of politicians were going to be looking at this contract, didn't redact the sections around jobs. It didn't redact the sections around the out clauses to meet those commitments on the jobs. It didn't redact the section around establishing a battery recycling ecosystem.
None of those things were redacted by Volkswagen. All that was redacted was the annual production number, which it said was an average.
That's the same contract that the Parliamentary Budget Officer looked at and wrote two reports on. I believe he has actually seen the Stellantis contract as well. When we had him before the committee, he confirmed that it was basically the same.
The problem here is that the Bloc are trying to pick out of the contract the things they think need to be released in a contract they haven't seen. I don't think that's the role of parliamentarians. I don't think it's the role of the opposition. I don't think it's the role of the government. It's certainly not the role of the government in the terms of the contract. It's not the role of the Bloc to determine what clause gets released in a contract they haven't seen.
On the contract subsidizing the Northvolt,a Swedish company, with foreign replacement replacement workers, in the Bloc Québécois' leader's riding, apparently they don't want to see the terms that make sure that they get.... I say this because employment contracts can be in one spot and they can be in another—and by the way, there are two contracts. There's not one. There are two for each of these, so we have to make sure that people understand that it's both the construction contract and the strategic investment fund of ISED that pay for the government subsidy on the construction, and then there's the production subsidy contract.
Both have job commitments, job commitments for construction, job commitments for permanent jobs, and they're identical, I'd suspect, and they're probably identical in the fact that they don't mention the words “Canadian job”. Otherwise they'd be releasing them.
So there are other sections in these two contracts that deal with employment and other terms and clauses.... If you don't ask for the right clauses you will not find all the outs that are in the contract that allow the commercial company, the auto company, to actually get out of those job commitments. If you don't ask for the right stuff.... And I can tell you from the Bloc motion, they aren't asking for the right stuff to get to the bottom of whether or not the Bloc Québécois leader's riding will be inundated with Swedish workers.
By the way, I'll read to you from the Saturday article that came out on Radio-Canada. Let me find the right article, there are just so many articles, there are so many conflicting job numbers from conflicting people from the government through the proponents. In this article, which came out on November 24, for the Quebec project the Swedish company says that “it is too early to be able to quantify the number of experts we will need with precision, but to give an order of magnitude, it will be a few hundred of people”.
So you can guarantee that in the Bloc Québécois' leader's riding, there are going to be at least a few hundred foreign replacement workers, not jobs for Quebeckers. You can expect the same at the St. Thomas plant and the Windsor plants, as we know there will be 1600 workers from South Korea. And, by the way, at the second plant in Quebec, guess who the partner company on that is. It's a Korean company. It's a Korean company, so you can expect Swedish workers and you can expect foreign replacement workers in both those Quebec plants from Sweden and from South Korea the same the way they've done it.
Anyway, I would say going forward that trying to ask for one particular thing out of a complex contract won't get you to where you want to go. Let the company—as they have the power—decide what is commercially sensitive to them, not to the government. Let them choose as is the term of the contract what is sensitive to them. Who are we to choose what is sensitive for Ford, Stellantis or NextStar or subsidiaries here or for Northvolt or for Volkswagen?
I think with MP Masse's addition and the vote obviously that was made, I personally think it's still.... Obviously, I'm not going to rehash paragraphs (g) and (h) because we know that the government ignored this committee's document production requirements for the McKinsey reports. I have no confidence that they aren't going to do it again here and that's why we need to ask for the release of the whole contract because you don't know what to ask for if you are trying to narrow it down. Let the company decide what is sensitive, as the terms of the contract enable them to do, and not the government.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.