He understands, or I think he's starting to understand, that the practices employed by his New Democratic Party were exactly the same as those of the Conservative Party.
There was a slight variation with the Liberal Party, because they used a filter. They used their riding associations as a filter. In other words, theirs was a three-way transfer. They went from national party to riding association to local campaign, whereas the NDP went directly from national campaign to local candidate.
So there are some slight variances in the approach, but the end result is the same. However, there's no political benefit to the NDP or the Liberals to have that explanation brought forward to the Canadian public. That's what I'm attempting to do here, to show them there are some complexities, absolutely, but all parties acted in a similar fashion and all parties acted within the confines of the Canada Elections Act. They all acted appropriately. No parties broke the law. If one did, then they all did, but that wasn't the case here. It wasn't the case whatsoever.
Now, with some of these examples, you may say, “Well, it sounds the same, but is it exactly the same?” Well, of course, it isn't exactly the same. The amounts vary. The methodology in which the money was transferred from the federal party to the local campaign vary. I've illustrated that. The Liberals used an intermediary—their local riding associations—but the concept was absolutely the same.
Let's think about how this all came about. I would argue that this practice of national campaigns funding local campaigns, and then having the local campaign promote the national campaign, has been going on for well over a decade.
My motion only speaks to examination of the elections from 2000, 2004, and 2006, because the Conservative Party—as we know it today—wasn't around back in the 1990s. In fact, prior to the 2004 election, we weren't here, but we felt it appropriate to go back at least three elections to show this continuing pattern.
I would submit to you that if we went back and had a thorough examination of the advertising practices of all parties going back into the 1990s and beyond—I would suggest if we went back as far as 1988—you would find that the same procedures and protocols were followed by all political parties. This has not changed.
This is nothing that is any different today than it was back in 1988, with respect to the matter in which some transactions take place. Never, since 1988 to 2006—a span of 18 years—has there ever been any finding from Elections Canada that the party that engaged in these practices was at fault. This is the first example of that.
And yet, the confusing and distressing part of this whole situation is that, while we know now by my testimony that all parties have engaged in the same practice, only one party was found to be in violation of the act. I can't explain it. I wish I could. I wish we could bring all officials to this committee to ask those very questions.
But, unfortunately, unless the members of the opposition agree to my motion, that situation isn't going to occur. We're not going to get to the situation where this committee can fully examine these advertising practices that have been so consistent among all the parties for over 18 years. That, I think, is extremely unfortunate.
One of the things that this committee has done in the past—on many occasions—long before I've been an elected member and a member of this committee, is made many improvements to the procedures and practices of all parliamentarians. They have examined the Elections Act on many occasions. They have had an opportunity to debate and discuss Elections Canada guidelines before.
I suggest that it would be totally appropriate that this committee continue in that vein—not as a partisan group, but as a committee functioning on behalf of all parliamentarians—to continue with the tradition of improving the situation and procedures and practices of all the members, regardless of political affiliation.
Unfortunately, our attempt to bring that level of discourse up, to bring the level of discussion to a point where, once again, we might be in a position to make valuable recommendations to officials at Elections Canada for the benefit of all parliamentarians, is being stonewalled. We're being told by members of the opposition that that ain't going to happen.
Frankly, I think that's a real shame. I think that if we were able to put these partisan differences aside and simply get on with the examination under question, we would all be better served because of it.
But once again, I have to go back to the fact that my motion speaks to that.
My motion would recommend that a full examination of the advertising practices of all political parties for the last three federal elections be undertaken immediately by this committee. Frankly, that satisfies the wishes of opposition members, who are asking for that very thing. They're asking for the books of the Conservative Party to be fully examined.
I'm sure they want their shot at finding the smoking gun. We're fully prepared to allow them to have that period of examination. Of course they don't like it when we say, “What's fair is fair, and let's take a look at yours, to compare.” I think it would be extremely fair and an extremely compelling argument if after the examination of all parties' books we were able to definitively say, “You see, everyone acted in a similar fashion. Everyone acted in the same fashion. Therefore we're all at fault, or none of us are at fault.”
That would be an extremely simple thing to find out. I think if we had the ability to examine all the books and present these books in front of the entire committee, we'd be able to conclude those examinations probably within no more than four hours. I have given several examples here already.