Mr. Chairman, Ms. Redman just asserted a moment ago that she opposes my proposed amendment because it is factually inaccurate. She didn't actually then go on to point anything out, so I'm assuming that she is not actually referring to some new factual inaccuracy she was going to point to but rather to something that had been pointed out in previous comments. I'm assuming that she's referring back to Mr. LeBlanc's earlier commentary in which he objected to my use of the word “alleged” in the motion, and he went on to use the terms that Elections Canada has “found” the limits were violated, and Elections Canada has “held” . Those are the two words he used.
Of course, “held” and “alleged” are actually synonyms, Mr. Chairman. Perhaps I'll send a thesaurus over to Mr. LeBlanc's office to assist him in these matters for future reference. Certainly regarding the word “found”, I suppose one could argue that findings in law are somewhat different. I would point out therefore to Mr. LeBlanc that Elections Canada is not a court; Elections Canada is an administrative body. It does indeed come up with interpretations of the law. It also stresses in those interpretation bulletins--and members of the committee will recall the fact that I actually drew attention to this point when Mr. Mayrand, our Chief Electoral Officer, was here as a witness before our committee prior to his appointment--that they are not in fact binding. They are their interpretations, which are subject to court review.
Elections Canada itself does not assert that it makes findings. It makes interpretations that are tentative and that it expressly states are tentative. They are sincerely held interpretations. They are interpretations that Mr. Mayrand and the other people who work there believe are the correct interpretation of the law, but they are not themselves an adjudicative body. They are not a judicial body. They are not a quasi-judicial body. They are a body that seeks to enforce the law, look for potential infractions of the Canada Elections Act if it finds them, and then at that point there are a variety of remedies available, but they ultimately involve going to court and settling the matter in court, which is what is going on now. Because they also administer the law in an active way, such as handing out rebates, it is completely legitimate for someone, again, with a genuine, sincere belief to think they have been denied a rebate that they are owed; and they can seek redress, but you have to go to some other body such as a court to do this because that's the way the system is set up.
Mr. LeBlanc would not have us use the court system. He would have us use this body, this committee, as a sort of parallel process that would decide on offences that are not actually under the law. They are under whatever interpretation the Liberals think they can spin of what is legitimate and illegitimate. The court is the court of public opinion. Of course their hope is that they can then control the nature of the hearing so as to ensure that a practice that is carried out by the Conservatives and also by the Liberals is seen as being illegitimate when the Conservatives do it, but there's no opportunity to demonstrate that the Liberals do the same thing by way of example. They also are anxious to make sure that their own prior practices, some of which, as I pointed out, were not merely in violation of the Canada Elections Act but were acts of theft from the Canadian public to the tune of millions of dollars, are also excluded from the investigation.
Actually, Ms. Redman made an interesting point, that we don't want to get involved in the audits. Well, no. Audits, appropriately, have seen someone like our colleague from West Vancouver—Sunshine Coast—Sea to Sky Country, who appears to be channelling money in envelopes, to have over-the-limit expenses. Of course that's a Liberal MP, who, according to his own family members, was funnelling envelopes of cash to pay for various over-the-limit expenses.
Mr. Chairman, what's going on here is an attempt in the proposed amendment to remove the language the presupposes guilt and use language that is anodyne, language that simply states in a non-inflammatory way, a non-prejudging or prejudicial way, what the actual factual dispute is about.
It seems to me that this suggestion is vastly superior to the original suggestion. In terms of the point of the original suggestion, let's understand what's going on here. This is a partisan body, where all the votes are taking place on partisan lines, where the speeches are designed for the cameras as opposed to having a finding of fact that's legitimate and valid. What's going on here is an attempt to ensure that we can all leave at the end of this committee hearing with the ability for the Liberals to turn up before the cameras and say, “Oh, look, the committee is investigating the illegitimate actions of one of the parties here. This proves”--because the courts don't count, apparently, in the minds of the Liberals--“that this terrible, illegitimate practice, not illegal but just illegitimate, according to some standard that we have in our pocket and aren't going to share with the public, is taking place. We should all be scandalized and horrified and whatever.”
Mr. Chairman, the suggestions are inaccurate, frankly, but I do get the impression that the Liberal members have made up their minds as to how they're going to vote. On the basis that we're unlikely to get a fair or reasonable hearing even to changing the language in a way that doesn't affect the substance but only removes the presupposition of guilt, and since I think it's clear that we're not going to get a fair hearing even for that minor change, I'm going to withdraw my proposed amendment.