Thank you, Madam Chair.
Good afternoon.
Three weeks ago, I reluctantly appeared before this committee to try to say something of value that might help you and Canadians navigate reports about Chinese interference—a matter that I once spent a lot of time reporting about as an investigative journalist. I came here reluctantly because, as I suspected, while members of this committee listened to what I had to say, I came away convinced that several of you didn't hear what I had to say. That's an important distinction.
I know that you listen to what witnesses like me have to say through the prism of politics and then decide if it has any political currency or not. I get it. Politics is what you do.
I like to think that, as an investigative reporter, getting at the truth is what I do, so please, hear me out.
The last time I was here, I said several things that I believe are relevant to the serious matter at hand, which requires serious people to do serious thinking about—not posturing, but thinking.
First, I reminded the committee, Canadians and my colleagues in the fourth estate—many of whom have suddenly fallen deeply and madly in love with an intelligence service they know nothing about—that, beyond the ineptness and the racism inside CSIS, intelligence officers make big mistakes all the time about a lot of important stuff.
These are, as well, the same invisible intelligence officers who a Federal Court judge slammed in 2020 for having “a degree of institutional disregard for—or, at the very least, a cavalier institutional approach to—the duty of candour and regrettably the rule of law.” In other words, CSIS doesn't always tell the truth, and it breaks the law. That fact, I suspect, might be news to most of you, and to too many starry-eyed reporters, editors and columnists, who don't have a clue about how CSIS operates.
With that caveat in mind, I urge the committee, Canadians and my colleagues to treat cautiously and skeptically the drip-by-drip bits of information being leaked by what likely amounts to a handful of members of Canada's largely unaccountable security intelligence structure.
I also reminded the committee that so-called intelligence, which is just an eye-catching word for information, is neither evidence or proof. That information has to be considered in context. It has to be corroborated so that it can be embellished and edited to fit a narrative that can bear little resemblance to the truth, particularly when it is leaked by intelligence officers who, dare I say, may have an agenda, and who know, one, that top secret information can be spun to their parochial benefit and, two, that they can leverage reporters to be spun and who, in turn, can torque their stories to make a bigger splash to the delight of those intelligence officers.
Still, perhaps the most important point I made was that the leaks have caused deep harm to some of our fellow Canadians by raising spurious questions about their loyalty to the maple leaf.
These few intelligence officers, who prefer to do their handiwork in the comfortable shadows, know they will get away with the damage they have done to Canadians of Chinese descent who love this country, too. Why? Because they always get away with it.
Last week, in his report, the special rapporteur confirmed the main thrust of what I told you three weeks ago. David Johnston is not my pal. I don't live near him. I am not a member of any foundation he is a member of. In fact, I am not a member of any foundation at all. Also, anyone familiar with my writing about the current Prime Minister would never confuse me with being a Liberal lackey.
Mr. Johnston was right when he wrote that a lot of reporting fuelled by these selective leaks involved “unsubstantiated speculation”, “limited intelligence”, a “lack of...context” and finally, “When information about foreign interference is provided without care or context, it can cause the public narrative to turn on...communities.”
Ask Han Dong about the damage that can be done when this happens. A television news outlet tarred Mr. Dong as, in effect, a traitor. Mr. Johnston found that egregious, life-altering charge was absolutely categorically and emphatically false.
We are witnessing “Maher Arar: The sequel”.
This sinister stuff has a familiar ring. A former CSIS director and national security adviser to another prime minister publicly peddled the same insinuations in 2010.
It's ironic that, in an editorial at the time, The Globe and Mail denounced these remarks as “reckless” and “foolish”. The same could be said today about the newspaper itself.
Thank you for your time.