Thank you, Madam Chair. I'm honoured to speak about these critically important issues today.
My own expertise is on China. While I'm not an intelligence expert, I had top secret special access security clearance during much of my time in government. I've seen many intelligence reports. I've dealt extensively with CSE and CSIS over the years, always regarding issues relating to China.
Despite my name, I'm not related to the Right Honourable David Johnston, but I very much admired his work and contributions to Canada when we first served together on a task force in the 1990s. When he was appointed as special rapporteur, I supported his appointment in the media, as I thought that among all Canadians he would be one of the most concerned about the threats to our democracy posed by China. I was therefore extremely surprised and disappointed with his dismissal of an independent public inquiry.
I've been very concerned with the extent to which the PRC has acted to compromise our electoral system. I'm very grateful to the public servants who have risked their careers and personal freedom by speaking to media about these threats, which of course have brought us to these committee meetings and the report. I do not say that lightly. As a former senior assistant deputy minister, I know well the rules about keeping government documents secret, but without those leaks, we would still be oblivious. Their release has not caused the great harm to the Canadian interest that Mr. Johnston invoked.
In rejecting the inquiry, he stated, “A Public Inquiry examining the leaked materials could not be undertaken in public given the sensitivity of the intelligence.” Yet, in his report he went on to do exactly that. He went one by one through 12 specific intelligence allegations that had been reported in the media. In each case, he identified that he had reviewed the intelligence, whom he had interviewed about it and, in some cases, what they had said, and then reported very specific findings. In some cases, he found that there had been irregularities tied to the PRC consulates. He reported what the Prime Minister, ministers and others knew and didn't know. In some cases, he explained why the allegations did not have merit or could be explained, or how there was not visible evidence of money changing hands in cases of illegal campaign donations.
He did not address the 10 additional leaks that appeared in The Globe and Mail, so we're left to assume that they did not require comment and are therefore accurate.
All of this is excellent work on the part of Mr. Johnston. The results of his research and analysis are very clear. This is exactly what I was hoping for in this report. Given his thorough analysis, he has proven well how one can assess intelligence and speak about it publicly to ensure that we are clear on what happened. While I would dispute how easily he dismissed some of the allegations, I have no doubt that he used his best judgment and we can thank him for that. It proves that it can be done.
I would pose this question: What about the additional cases of Chinese interference about which the media have not reported? Given the depth and breadth of China's activities and the very large number of Chinese officials posted in Canada, I have no doubt there is much more that we should be made aware of. Without an independent public inquiry, we'll go back to being oblivious.
What the Johnston report did not talk about, and what no one is talking about, is what consequences China has seen for the many infringements of our democracy that it has already committed. So far, the consequences have been one single official sent home to Beijing, and only because his specific name was released along with his threats against Michael Chong and his family.
I'm very concerned that in talking about the public hearings, Mr. Johnston announced that he would be hearing from the Chinese diaspora. The Uyghurs, Tibetans, Falun Gong, pro-democracy Hong Kongers and human rights activists would be more targeted if they spoke in public hearings. For what? They've called for many years for a single window for investigations and for a foreign agent registry, which are still not implemented.
I hope the government has now gotten the message that Canadians care about these issues, because they clearly do. Other countries are watching us, too. We must do this properly so they can learn from us.
I look forward to your questions.