It's 14? Thank you, Mrs. Chair.
So 14 people would benefit from that, which is sizably different from all the other Canadians who also wish to benefit from Canadian citizenship. The backlogs are horrendous, and those issues should be addressed, not only by this committee but also by the ministry and the minister himself.
It's unfortunate; had the government come up with a plan for all of those people waiting for citizenship, perhaps this bill never would have been required in the first place. The idea to fast-track Canadian citizenship for some, with the backlogs that keep increasing every year—so in fact slowing down the process for just about everybody else—really leads us to question whether the member might have benefited from discussing with the minister other ways of fast-tracking citizenship. Perhaps some of those would have been to ensure that there are enough officers within Canadian immigration to be able to process files within a reasonable delay and not allow backlogs to increase.
When it comes to the question of citizenship and fast-tracking citizenship, and that we need to be referring this back to the House in all due haste, I think that speaks to the fact that this is an important matter. I think it's important on many levels. We want people who are working in Canada, people who are contributing to that society, whether by paying taxes, producing wealth, extending family and friend relationships, or adding to the vibrancy that makes this nation such an exciting place to be. We really need to be looking at making sure we are not creating a two-tiered system where some individuals will get citizenship sooner rather than later.
I just want to point out how it stands right now with the Canadian Forces: (1) In order to be eligible for enrolment in the Canadian Forces as an officer or non-commissioned member, a person must:
a. be a Canadian citizen, except that the Chief of the Defence Staff or such officer as he may designate may authorize the enrolment of a citizen of another country if he is satisfied that a special need exists and that the national interest would not be prejudiced thereby;
So we have the problem here, a real dilemma, that in order to be considered acceptable to be a member of the Canadian Forces, you have to be a Canadian citizen. Without any clear system for getting that status, a person must be a Canadian citizen, except that the Chief of the Defence Staff or other such officer believes that person deserves to be a member of the Canadian Forces.
There's no clear path here, even for an individual who wants to contribute by being a member of the Canadian Forces. I think this bill might benefit from further debate even in the House of Commons in terms of how that process would actually work.
We have here a situation where the bill would allow shortening by a year the amount of time it would take to go through the process of residency requirements in order to be eligible for that Canadian citizenship, which is laudable in and of itself. The difficulty here is how do you become a member of the Canadian Forces in the first place? There is a bit of a catch-22 in this bill. It doesn't seem to address the issue.
Again, we're only talking, according to the Canadian Forces themselves, of 14 people in a year. We're not talking about a very effective way, I think, to be dealing with the fact that we need to deal with backlogs in the Canadian citizenship process.
I think it's really a horrendous thing, in a country that's essentially built on immigration, that we don't have a better process to be able to welcome new Canadians in a more forthright and expeditious manner than trying to come up with other ways, through another door, in order to be able to gain that citizenship.
In this bill we're creating a false hope for new arrivers in Canada that they might also become Canadian citizens, by suggesting to them that they could fast-track if they became members of the Canadian military, when the Canadian military, in a prima facie manner, cannot accept them as members of the Canadian Armed Forces unless they have exceptional circumstances.
We're creating exceptions to exceptions. This is not a way to deal with an immigration issue. It might be a way to congratulate people and to thank them for their service, but the problem is that it's very difficult for them to even give that service in the first place.
This bill has a lot of difficulties on so many levels. Just the process involved here leads one to really question one's ability to be able to come out in favour of this bill.
Again, this bill risks not getting all-party support, and that would be very unfortunate, because all parties believe that this country benefits from new Canadians. As we all know, this country in fact was built on the backs of new Canadians. We have a lot to thank the new Canadians for in regard to all the hard work they've put into creating this wonderful country that we live in today. We should honour them, and we should honour them in many other ways.
Some of those ways would include having the government producing bills in the normal manner, that is, as government bills that offer the opportunity for a fulsome debate. A fulsome debate means the government coming forward with bills in order to bring witnesses forward, to have fulsome debate in the House of Commons, either at second reading or at report stage, and to have a fulsome debate at the committee level. Then, when we finally get to the third and final reading in the House of Commons, the bill will have had the opportunity to be debated fully and with the benefit of testimony from expert witnesses.
When it comes to private members' bills, a lot of those processes are simply unavailable. Private members' bills only benefit from a couple of hours of debate in the House of Commons, and “debate” is probably a very generous way to express what happens in the House of Commons with a private member's bill, seeing as only the sponsor of the bill, that is, the member of Parliament who's presenting the bill to the House of Commons, alone will have an opportunity to benefit from a question and answer period. No other person who does any presentation or at any time intervenes to speak to the bill will benefit from the opportunity to be questioned by any other member.
The process is short, the process is expeditious, and the process does not benefit from the fulsome debate that a government bill would benefit from. Even in this era of time allocation, even in that environment, government bills, as a rule, are actually getting more debate than a private member's bill does.
Here's what the question really is. With the attempts being made to turn this into a government bill, or to at least give it the appearance of a government bill, wouldn't this bill and all those amendments have benefited from a more fulsome debate in the House of Commons? If that had been the intention, why wasn't the minister perhaps more forthcoming, at the stage when we were debating this in the private members' bills subcommittee, to make it apparent that the government is very interested in this bill and would be bringing forward a series of amendments?
It is very possible that at that point the private members subcommittee would have deemed this bill non-votable. I'll remind members that if it had been deemed non-votable, it would have been very similar to the bill on sex selection that was brought forward recently by the member from Langley, whereby the private members' bills subcommittee deemed that bill to be non-votable.
Such an occurrence could have happened. If it had happened to this bill, there would have been an appeal process, certainly, and that would have led perhaps to another level of debate, but on the matters of the bill itself, we would have missed that opportunity.
What we could have had here was the minister bringing forward a bill that would have reflected his amendments. Unfortunately, we were not given the opportunity to benefit from that process. We were given the opportunity to debate this bill, which, again, has a series of difficulties.
I really need to bring this point forward, Madam Chair. On the possibility that we would remove somebody's citizenship, I find it very difficult and very disturbing. When we talk about removing somebody's citizenship, as the bill points out, we would remove it only if the person is “a citizen or a legal resident of a[nother] country”. That seems to contravene the 1961 UN convention on human rights. It contravenes the point that we must not create a situation whereby an individual is stateless. This bill, without even the benefit of due process, seems to lead to the possibility of somebody becoming stateless, because the bill does in fact say the person would have to be “a citizen” or simply “a legal resident” of another country. The bar is fairly low.
We also actually would have difficulty with the definition of a resident in another country. I would put forward, Madam Chair, that even determining who is a resident in Canada sometimes is not very apparent. Province by province, the rules change, and the rules of international law are sometimes misunderstood.
In my opinion, it is simply not appropriate that in Canada, without any apparent due process, somebody's citizenship could be removed without giving them an opportunity to be heard. A fundamental principle of justice in this country is the right to be heard. This bill doesn't seem to allow for that. It just says that if an individual engages in an act of war, we will remove their citizenship if they have citizenship or if they have residency status in another country.
It's fraught with danger, Madam Chair. Even the possibility of defining “an act of war” has been debated in this committee. I would challenge anybody to actually come up with the definitive answer as to what an act of war is. That part of the bill still remains highly questionable and again seems to contravene an international convention to which Canada is a signatory. It's very difficult on many different levels.
But if we get back to the fact that this bill seems to be one that brings forward government business, and not private members' business, I have to ask this question. If this bill isn't being whipped by members of the government party.... It would at least appear to be a two-line whip, if not a three-line whip. To be clear, a two-line whip occurs when ministers have to vote in favour of the bill and other members are left to vote according to their conscience. I'm not sure that this isn't a three-line whip, considering the amount of attention the minister has put on this bill and his presence in this committee—