Evidence of meeting #27 for Citizenship and Immigration in the 42nd Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was vulnerable.

A video is available from Parliament.

On the agenda

MPs speaking

Also speaking

Aneki Nissan  President, Centre for Canadian-Assyrian Relations
David Marshall  Team Leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
John Clayton  Director of Programs and Projects, Samaritan's Purse Canada
Raija-Liisa Schmidt-Teigen  General Director of a Community Center, Samaritan's Purse Northern Iraq
David Manicom  Associate Assistant Deputy Minister, Strategic and Program Policy, Department of Citizenship and Immigration
Heather Jeffrey  Director General, International Humanitarian Assistance, Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development

12:05 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Borys Wrzesnewskyj

Good afternoon.

Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on June 16, 2016, the committee will resume its study on immigration measures for the protection of vulnerable groups.

Appearing before us for this third panel of the day is Mr. Aneki Nissan, the president of the Centre for Canadian Assyrian Relations; Mr. David Marshall, who's the team leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, for the UNHCR. Also, joining us from Samaritan's Purse Canada, we have Mr. John Clayton, director of programs and projects; and Ms. Raija-Liisa Schmidt-Teigen, who's appearing by video conference from Dohuk, in Iraq.

Welcome to everyone.

We'll begin with Mr. Nissan for seven minutes, please.

12:05 p.m.

Aneki Nissan President, Centre for Canadian-Assyrian Relations

Good afternoon, honourable members and guests.

My name is Aneki Nissan, and I am the president of the Centre for Canadian-Assyrian Relations. I have come here today to discuss the fate of the Assyrian community in Iraq and Syria.

The Assyrians are a transnational ethnic community who belong to a number of Christian churches in the Middle East and are indigenous to the region. Since the fall of Mosul and the Nineveh plains to ISIS in summer 2014, Assyrians have faced a mass exodus from their centuries-old historical homes. They have been living as internally displaced refugees in northern Iraq in abhorrent conditions and have been marginalized in the political and social life of Iraq. As a result of this conundrum, others have fled the country and are now living in neighbouring states as they seek asylum from various governments around the world.

Those from Syria have faced larger threats of mass extermination at the hands of both government and opposition forces, and most prominently Assyrian-dominated towns and villages around the Khabur River were attacked and invaded by ISIS on February 23, 2015. Hundreds of community members were taken hostage and imprisoned by ISIS. The city of Qamishli, which was built by those fleeing the 1915 Ottoman genocide, has also been targeted repeatedly by ISIS, and most memorably during the 2015-16 Christmas season, where an explosion targeting those celebrating the season came to kill Assyrians and destroy several Assyrian-owned business within the city. Even as recently as June 21 of this year, the Syriac Orthodox patriarch came under attack as he was praying for the victims of the 1915 genocide alongside priests and bishops from other Assyrian denominations.

This is all part of a systemic and targeted assault on members of the Assyrian community in Syria by ISIS and other forces since the outbreak of war in 2011. As members of the Canadian diaspora, we are urging the Canadian government and Canadian Parliament to help our community in both Iraq and Syria. We have a three-pronged approach to help our community, alongside other minorities like the Yazidis, the Shabaks, and others.

One, we are asking the Canadian government to expedite the processing of asylum applications from members of the community alongside members of the aforementioned communities. This will help those living in limbo and begin the process to help members of the community gain a new life in Canada where a substantial community already exists. Some of the first Assyrian settlers to Canada arrived in the late 1800s, and many helped settle North Battleford, Saskatchewan, in 1903. Today, for example, in the Toronto-Windsor corridor, Assyrians have no fewer than 20 churches in the area, where members are all willing to help welcome refugees and help in the process of integrating new arrivals to Canadian life. Additionally, many of those seeking asylum in Canada are arriving with education and professional backgrounds that would allow them to become productive citizens.

Two, we are hoping that in addition to the help provided to refugees, the Canadian government, alongside its allies, can find a sustainable solution for those people on the ground in Iraq and Syria. Assyrians, Yazidis, Shabaks, and others have come under the help of oppressive regimes, and they are living at the mercy of people who are unable or unwilling to help protect members of their community. We hope that the Canadian government can help in providing humanitarian aid to those stuck living away from their homes in Iraq and Syria. The Canadian government and Canadian aid agencies can help by working directly with Assyrian aid organizations on the ground that have a deeper understanding of the issues that are currently facing the refugees as they seek to find a more permanent solution on the ground.

Three, Assyrians have been disarmed by Kurdish and Iraqi troops. This has left their villages vulnerable, which allowed ISIS to invade their territory unopposed. We are hoping that the Canadian government in its current mission against ISIS can help fund, arm, and train the Nineveh plains protection units as they systemically work to liberate their villages from the grips of ISIS.

I sincerely thank you for your time and I look forward to hearing your questions.

12:10 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Borys Wrzesnewskyj

Thank you, Mr. Nissan.

We'll now hear from Mr. Marshall. Mr. Marshall has indicated that he would take five minutes at this time. Due to the nature of his presentation, at the end of this particular hearing we will move in camera for approximately 10 minutes to allow additional information to be presented at that time.

Mr. Marshall, five minutes.

12:10 p.m.

David Marshall Team Leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

Mr. Chair, thank you very much to you and to your colleagues for reaching out to the United Nations for this briefing on the human rights situation in South Sudan.

The world's newest nation, tragically, is a country some five years old. It has had two years of war, in which more than one and a half million people have been internally displaced and forced into harsh and dangerous living conditions. Thousands more have sought safety and shelter from their own government and opposition forces by finding refuge within UN compounds.

The crisis in South Sudan is profound. A political crisis led to a human rights crisis, and the consequences have also resulted in a humanitarian, economic, and security crisis.

As you know, the conflict broke out in Juba, the capital, in December 2013. Through much of 2014 the UN and the African Union had documented brutal violations and abuses of human rights committed by both sides—the government and the opposition, with allied militia—that the UN and the AU said amounted to crimes against humanity and war crimes.

In 2015 the Human Rights Council of the UN asked my office to undertake an assessment mission, that I led, to identify human rights violations committed in the country since December 2013. The report, which we issued in March of this year, concluded that in 2015 the government's counter-insurgency offensive in Unity state was carried out with the apparent purpose of spreading terror among civilians, including widespread sexual and gender-based violence that led to the abduction of women and girls, and indiscriminate attacks on villages, some of which involved massive looting of property and the theft of thousands upon thousands of cattle.

Throughout this conflict, sexual and gender-based violence has been widespread. We documented in 2015 that the breadth and depth of the crimes against women and girls was alarming. We concluded that rape and sexual violence were being used as a weapon of war. The consequences of this violence upon the civilian population are grave and profound. We concluded in 2015 that again crimes against humanity and war crimes had taken place in South Sudan.

As you may know, in international law there are three atrocity crimes, and the only one we haven't mentioned is genocide. We didn't mention genocide because although we think the actus reus of genocide had taken place there was an insufficiency of evidence to conclude that the mens rea of genocide had happened. Nevertheless, we've concluded that two of the three atrocity crimes of international law have taken place. Thousands have been killed and many brutally. We documented children who were killed by being hung from trees. The campaign of sexual violence shocks the conscience. No one is spared; not the children, not the elderly, and not the disabled. One witness, a mother, described to us being tied to a tree as soldiers gang-raped her daughter and then shot her husband dead.

The humanitarian crisis involves six million, which is half the population. They are in need of humanitarian assistance, and almost three million of them are severely food insecure. Many parts of the country face severe food insecurity and possible famine. We discovered that civilians were forced into the wetlands and are eating grass and turmeric. The IDP population is around 1.8 million. Around 200,000 of those people are seeking protection within the UN compounds, of which there are six. The refugee population, as of June 15, according to UNHCR, is 871,536. Approximately 70% of that refugee population are children.

There has been massive destruction of civilian property. UN premises, schools, and churches have all been attacked. Killings have taken place in churches and mosques. Killings have also taken place on UN bases. Humanitarians killed to date number 49, including UN staff working with the World Food Programme, who have disappeared and are presumed dead.

The economic crisis has inflation at 300%, the value of the local pound has dropped 90%, and the security crisis is deeply troubling. Parking the conflict-related violence for a minute, the national security apparatus is everywhere in South Sudan, harassing, detaining, and killing opponents. The democratic space is being suffocated, with civil society under constant surveillance and humanitarian staff under constant threat.

Among the additional challenges I would urge you to consider for vulnerable groups is just the sheer size of the country. It is France meets Belgium. There are 10 states. One state, Jonglei, is the size of Bangladesh. There are almost no paved roads. Much of the frightened population who are on the run are in hard-to-reach areas. The rainy season limits our movement from April through December. Malaria is rampant, including cerebral malaria, which has killed thousands, including UN staff.

The conflict has given rise to a new type of IDP settlement, which is those living within UN compounds. Those compounds were never intended to protect South Sudanese civilians from their own government.

Two days ago we were informed by the government that the rotary-wing aircraft of the UN would not be allowed to fly in the country, and also that we could not provide new UN staff to South Sudan, and our national staff are not allowed to leave the country. The council of elders, who are Dinka who support the government, have informed the UN that the idea of sending additional international troops—which as you may have heard yesterday is the idea of the African Union—would be a declaration of war and an invasion of the country.

Despite these challenges, the UN and its partners in 2015 provided assistance to 4.5 million people. In 2016, one million have been reached, but there is a critical lack of funding. As of July 12, only 40% of the $1.3-billion humanitarian response plan for 2016 has been provided.

On the topic of refugees, according to the UNHCR only 17% of the $573 million for refugee protection has been provided. As you know, new fighting broke out in February in Pibor in Junglei state and also as you know, recently in Juba, 10 days ago.

In terms of what should happen next and what Canada can possibly do, I set out some recommendations in the brief note to you about the need for robust diplomacy. The crisis, as I said at the outset, is deep and profound and growing. Canada has imposed sanctions, asset freezes, and financial sanctions against two persons, I believe in 2014.

There's a question that the UN has raised with member states, including Canada, as to whether there should be an arms embargo. There is no arms embargo against South Sudan.

I would also ask Canada to consider providing military and police personnel to the UN mission, as well as adequate funding for the UN humanitarian response plan and also for the UNHCR's refugee protection and assistance programs, as well as supporting civil society coalitions that are working for reconciliation.

The most obvious solution for protecting vulnerable people is a political transformation to end the orchestration of the violence, predominantly by the political elite of the country.

In closing this part of my statement, I would say that the crisis in South Sudan is deep, profound, and almost existential. The international rhetoric of “no more Rwandas” appears empty. The government has no regard for life. You're either a loyalist or you're not, and if you're not, you're in peril of harassment, detention, and death.

What's particularly distressing, I think—

12:15 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Borys Wrzesnewskyj

Thank you, Mr. Marshall. Perhaps we can expand on your opening statement during the rounds of questioning.

Mr. Clayton and Ms. Schmidt-Teigen, take seven minutes, please.

12:20 p.m.

John Clayton Director of Programs and Projects, Samaritan's Purse Canada

Thank you, honourable Chair and distinguished members of the committee, for the opportunity to speak and hopefully contribute to resolving the difficult questions before you all.

My colleague Raija-Liisa and I will be sharing our allotted time. There are two questions we will address. First, are some refugee groups more vulnerable than others? We would like to offer testimony and evidence to this question. Second, how should Canada respond? We have distributed a brief, which details four recommendations.

I'd like to turn it over to Raija to continue.

12:20 p.m.

Raija-Liisa Schmidt-Teigen General Director of a Community Center, Samaritan's Purse Northern Iraq

Greetings from Iraq.

Over the last year, I have been serving as the director of a community centre providing services to a population of over 40,000 displaced Yazidis. While it has been mentioned many times already, the horror that the Yazidis have experienced is ongoing, and we must acknowledge that thousands of Yazidi women, children, and youth remain in the clutches of ISIS today.

I have worked for NGOs internationally for over 15 years, in countries like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Pakistan. I thought I had seen the worst of humanity, but then I moved to northern Iraq and I heard first-hand the accounts of what Yazidis have had to endure at the hands of ISIS. I have seen no other minority group in Iraq that has had to endure the evil that ISIS has perpetuated against the Yazidi population. Please understand; we do not want to minimize in any way the ISIS horrors inflicted on these other minority groups.

On August 3, 2014, 718 days ago, an entire Yazidi people group became the focus of an ongoing ISIS genocidal intent, as clearly documented in the UN Human Rights Council report released on June 15, 2016. This is now formally recognized by the UN and the Government of Canada as genocide. They have been singled out because of their religious narrative and perceived lifestyle. Throughout Iraq, Yazidis have been stigmatized as subhuman, dirty, and devil-worshippers.

I sat down with my Yazidi staff and talked with them about what they have faced and why they want to leave Iraq. This is what they told us: “We have been attacked and targeted by Muslims because they think we do not believe in God. The future looks bad for us as Yazidis and we are worried about our children. We think that our children could be killed and targeted by Muslims in the future. We would prefer to leave rather than go back to Sinjar. No one protected us there. We have lost trust for everyone. Neither the peshmerga or the Iraqi army protected us, they handed us over to ISIS. We lived close to Arab Muslims and when we were attacked, we were abandoned by them as well—abandoned by our neighbours who we have known and welcomed into our homes. These people helped ISIS to attack us and our girls. After what happened on Sinjar, we no longer trust Muslims—especially because of what has happened to our girls—who have been taken, held captive, raped, and sometimes killed.”

Yazidis are victims of genocide, the most heinous crime of our modern era. However, trying to leave has held its own challenges. Most Yazidis are internally displaced and therefore not considered refugees. Most Yazidis do not have proper identification. The Kurdish government will not issue identification because Yazidis from Sinjar are from regions of Iraq that are controlled by the central government, which means a very costly and dangerous trip to Baghdad to get a passport and documents.

Many of them, certainly the ones in my community, are not wealthy and do not have the resources to go to another country. Some have scraped together the money needed to be smuggled out of the country, but many are not willing to risk this. One of our staff's extended family lost 11 people in the Aegean Sea when they attempted to cross. This leaves them in a vulnerable position, remaining in camps and temporary shelters at the mercy of the region that wants them to leave.

Yazidis understand that they exist in a surrounding culture and context that views them with contempt. They do not expect to receive fair treatment in systems that we would expect would serve them. All of these challenges leave them feeling trapped.

If Canada is going to seek to offer services to them, it is important to understand this context and ensure that those who engage with them are aware of this history and these biases. The Yazidis need Canada's assistance and intervention.

12:25 p.m.

Director of Programs and Projects, Samaritan's Purse Canada

John Clayton

Like my colleague, I have extensive experience working internationally in many of the worst places in this world. I'm highly honoured to speak on behalf of the Yazidi people and other minority groups. I've visited there three times, and I know what I've seen and observed. I'd like to clarify that we don't represent a sponsorship interest in this. Although we're sympathetic to the situation that they face, and want to speak on behalf of what we've seen on the ground, we're responders, not involved in this end of the equation.

As a Christian organization, Samaritan's Purse Canada recognizes the universally accepted humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. These principles are central to Canadian foreign policy and to all international humanitarian action.

I disagree with some of what I've heard in previous testimony regarding these principles. By definition, humanitarian principles of humanity and impartiality recognize that there are priorities of need that must be directed towards those most vulnerable and most affected. There should be no discrimination in applying these principles, no favouritism or partiality shown. However, once a vulnerability is deemed to be genocide, the discrimination argument disappears because genocide is the worst. It's recognized that way.

On the worldwide spectrum of refugee vulnerability, we see plenty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. That's widespread. Even these terms themselves imply a scale or degree of criminality. What we've personally observed and what is unique with the Yazidis is this term “genocide”. Arguably, this merits the Government of Canada's highest priority on all levels, including immigration. Yes, some refugee groups are more vulnerable than others. This is irrefutable when there is genocide.

How should Canada respond? The brief that we've provided outlines four recommendations in detail.

In summary, we recommend that the government accelerate and prioritize the Yazidi refugee process, including the internally displaced.

Second, we recommend that Canada prepare a specifically designed support for Yazidi refugees who've experienced a variety of genocide traumas and will need special care when they arrive here in Canada.

Third, we recommend that Yazidi refugees who have left Syria and Iraq, yet remain in the region in places like Turkey, be identified as the most vulnerable and be the first priority.

Finally, we recommend that the recommendations contained in the United Nations Human Rights Council's report on Yazidi genocide be enacted by the entire Government of Canada. It speaks to many aspects other than immigration.

I'd like to thank you for this opportunity and welcome questions.

12:25 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Borys Wrzesnewskyj

Thank you, Mr. Clayton.

Mr. Tabbara, you have seven minutes.

12:25 p.m.

Liberal

Marwan Tabbara Liberal Kitchener South—Hespeler, ON

Thank you all for being here, and thank you for the work that you're doing in raising awareness of each region in the world.

My first question is to Mr. Marshall.

According the UN report you worked on, which was recently published, violations perpetrated in South Sudan may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. These include killing and other attacks against civilians, rape and other acts of sexual violence, and violations of child rights, including recruitment and use in hostilities.

You mentioned in your testimony some of the crimes against humanity. An article says that between April and September 2015, the UN recorded more than 1,300 reports of rape in just one state of South Sudan. A report names crimes against humanity such as children and the disabled being killed or burned alive, suffocated in containers, shot and hanged from trees, and cut into pieces. This is very disturbing news. I know it should probably be getting more attention in the media.

The report mentions that sexual and gender-based violence in particular has been widespread, and you mentioned a little bit in your testimony. Can you elaborate more on that?

12:25 p.m.

Team Leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

David Marshall

From December 2013 up until today, it has been used as a weapon of war, we allege, the UN alleges, predominantly by the government forces and associated militia. What was so striking for us in our most recent investigation is the impact that has had on the social fabric. Many of the men are dead, and the households are led by women. They tell stories of the kidnapping of their children over a period of two and a half years. We're talking about girls who are kidnapped, taken to bases, government militia bases, and used as sex slaves, and sometimes shot dead, sometimes released. No one is preventing this. No one is stopping this. The government has said publicly that it will do its best to prevent sexual violence, but this hasn't happened.

As I said, what was so striking for us is the damage it is now doing to the communities. These communities are suffering enormously over this campaign of killing, sexual violence, and disappearances, in addition to destroying their houses, stealing their cattle, and stealing their food. As I said in my statement, this is an existential crisis, because, as you may know, we have 10,500 troops in South Sudan who have been there since 2013, and we don't have enough troops to protect women and girls.

12:30 p.m.

Liberal

Marwan Tabbara Liberal Kitchener South—Hespeler, ON

Following clashes in Juba a few days ago, thousands of Sudanese have been displaced, and you have mentioned many numbers in your testimony. We have read that there are cholera outbreaks in local camps and that even civilians and staff in the UN camps get caught up in the fighting.

With only 17% of the UN appeal for South Sudan being raised so far and humanitarian responses sorely lacking because of severe underfunding, what are the prospects for the displaced people in the country?

12:30 p.m.

Team Leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

David Marshall

I think the situation is grim. Today, it's grim. I heard before I came here, from a colleague in DPKO, the Department of Peacekeeping Operations, that the World Food Programme said it had lost millions of dollars of food that had been stolen. The UN pre-positions food for the rainy season, which has just started, all of it for civilians, and all that food was stolen by government soldiers a few days ago. So the prospects are grim.

The UN sites aren't intended to protect civilians on this scale, but we had I think 13,000-plus civilians who came to our site 10 days ago, in Juba alone. We're worried about government rhetoric that you may have heard on the news, which is that they believe opposition figures are in these sites, are in UN sites. We're fearful that these UN sites may be raided by government soldiers.

12:30 p.m.

Liberal

Marwan Tabbara Liberal Kitchener South—Hespeler, ON

We've been talking in this committee a lot about how to get to IDPs, how to reach them in the countries to which they're displaced.

You mentioned that In South Sudan there were 49 humanitarians killed. If there were a program whereby countries were to try to get IDPs from a conflict zone, would that raise a lot of security concerns, as you mention, in South Sudan?

12:30 p.m.

Team Leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

David Marshall

Yes. I'm sure John can speak to that as well.

Humanitarians have been murdered; they've been beaten. When I was there from October through January of this year, humanitarian offices in Juba were raided by the national security apparatus, staff were beaten, cars stolen, money stolen, and food stolen, and movement is restricted.

We, the UN, who have a robust Security Council mandate to protect civilians, are prevented from using our helicopters and planes to fly around the country with our troops. The government prevents that from happening, or I should say we have to seek clearance first, and we never get clearance to move our aircraft, our food, and our armed peacekeepers.

The conditions we're working with in South Sudan are extreme. The solution, frankly, is through the Security Council. That's the only solution—and the African Union, I would suggest—to see some movement in this government, but the government seems to be not interested in cooperating with either us or the African Union.

12:30 p.m.

Liberal

Marwan Tabbara Liberal Kitchener South—Hespeler, ON

Would even local police forces, then, be unable to provide safety for any humanitarian...?

12:30 p.m.

Team Leader, Assessment Mission to South Sudan, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

David Marshall

Our reporting suggests that the local police force have been involved in the atrocities—the killing of civilians and the rape of women and girls—so we wouldn't trust the local police authorities.

12:30 p.m.

Liberal

Marwan Tabbara Liberal Kitchener South—Hespeler, ON

Thank you.

12:30 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Borys Wrzesnewskyj

Thank you.

Ms. Rempel.

July 20th, 2016 / 12:30 p.m.

Conservative

Michelle Rempel Conservative Calgary Nose Hill, AB

Thank you.

Mr. Clayton, my understanding is that you were listening to the panel prior to this, so you would have heard the recommendations I read out, which we're considering as part of the committee's work. Did you?

12:30 p.m.

Director of Programs and Projects, Samaritan's Purse Canada

John Clayton

Yes, that's correct.

12:30 p.m.

Conservative

Michelle Rempel Conservative Calgary Nose Hill, AB

Do you support those recommendations?

12:30 p.m.

Director of Programs and Projects, Samaritan's Purse Canada

John Clayton

Yes, I support those recommendations. I would just add, as I mentioned, that the fourth recommendation, which we've contributed, is that there is a need for a whole-of-government approach to this, because this exceeds the mandate or issues regarding immigration or refugees or asylum. There are calls, in those recommendations from the United Nations, to fund the support and the possible return of Yazidis into the areas they have been displaced out of.

I think, then, that there are those issues. I think also, as a Canadian citizen, that realizing—and I may have the numbers incorrect, but I believe that there are 60 individuals here in Canada who have served with ISIS—that we may have genocide perpetrators in our midst here in Canada, we should look at the full implications of what this thing really looks like.

I would just encourage a whole-of-government approach to the recommendations that have been made. Our recommendations really are built upon what that UN document specifies.

12:35 p.m.

Conservative

Michelle Rempel Conservative Calgary Nose Hill, AB

Mr. Nissan, I believe you were in the room as well. Did you want to comment on the recommendations? Are they something that the Syrian community would support?

12:35 p.m.

President, Centre for Canadian-Assyrian Relations

Aneki Nissan

Absolutely. We support all of the recommendations that you put forward.

We also want to add to it. I know that a green zone was mentioned in discussion at the last meeting. To us, the green zone is the Nineveh plains region. We have already started a Nineveh plains protection unit that is dedicated and is starting to train, aimed at protecting that region from any onslaught from ISIS or any other opposition groups.

The hope is that we will have about 4,000 signed recruits; we have only 500 who are trained. The hope is that, through the current mission in which Canada is already involved with training and arming the peshmerga, some of those resources will be allocated towards the NPU to help them establish themselves as a defined force within the Nineveh plains to provide protection and aid to the Syrians and the Yazidis.