Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on June 15th, 2026

Sandra Pellegrini Senior Analyst, Latin America and Caribbean, ACLED

Mr. Chair and honourable members, thank you for the opportunity to provide our assessment [Technical difficulty—Editor].

I represent ACLED, or Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, an independent, impartial global monitor that collects, analyzes and maps data on conflict and protest. Today, I will provide an assessment drawing on active data [Technical difficulty—Editor] 2018.

Since 2021, the security situation has deteriorated year after year. ACLED data shows that between 2021 [Technical difficulty—Editor], and we recorded over 1,700 violent incidents and 4,700 fatalities last year alone. The assassination of President Jovenel Moïse accelerated the breakdown of an already unstable political order and disrupted pre-existing relationships between gangs and members of the country's political and economic elites. [Technical difficulty—Editor] from their political backers by diversifying their sources of revenue, which include kidnappings for ransom, extortions and taking control of strategic roads and infrastructure.

Gangs have further [Technical difficulty—Editor] and leverage over political authorities.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Excuse me, Madame Pellegrini. Due to a technical problem, I would like to suspend the meeting for a few moments until we correct this problem. You will be able to restart from the beginning.

We will suspend, please, for a few moments to correct this.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

I call the meeting back to order.

We would like to start with Madame Morgan Wienberg.

Take the floor for five minutes, please.

Morgan Wienberg Co-Founder and Executive Director, Little Footprints Big Steps

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

While the world watches, gangs funded by political and affluent individuals have continued to expand their control, crimes and destruction within Haiti. The country is intentionally being kept in a state of political instability and has not had a formal election since 2016. Gang members are recording and openly sharing sexual assault, abuse, destruction of landmarks and hospitals, and massacres through social media platforms, causing psychological damage and intimidation beyond their physical reach. As a result, increased violence is evident among children and adults across the country.

Prolonged stress and instability have deeply affected the mental health of Haitian communities, even in areas not directly affected by gang violence. Over one million people in Haiti have been displaced due to the violence, with over half of that number being children. These internally displaced families have been left homeless and unemployed and in a state of extreme vulnerability.

Meanwhile, years of exponential inflation has left the cost of living unattainable for the majority of the population. Over five million people in Haiti are facing acute hunger. Amidst this homelessness and famine, each year, Haiti experiences heavy rains and flooding.

Child trafficking has been a major concern, not only in Port-au-Prince, but also in rural regions of Haiti, where children are reportedly disappearing and street children are being forcibly recruited. The number of children who have become involved in armed gangs in Haiti is extremely alarming, and children in vulnerable communities or in the streets are being bribed or trafficked and forced to become child soldiers. Once they've joined the armed gangs, it's dangerous for these children to leave. Girls are also being used by armed gangs for forced domestic labour and for sexual exploitation.

Orphanage relocation has increased the risk of long-term family separation and trafficking for many children. The majority of orphanages in the country are operating illegally, and child protection authorities and partners lack the resources to facilitate family reunification for the thousands of children living in these neglectful and often abusive institutions.

Sexual assault cases have skyrocketed, yet a weak justice system puts both survivors and advocates at risk. Meanwhile, the child protection actors who respond to such cases are severely under-resourced, as UNICEF and other major stakeholders are underfunded.

Medical facilities are under-resourced when it comes to both human resources and supplies. Hospitals are challenging for people to reach due to gang control of major roads, and challenging to afford once they can be reached. Many medical professionals are having to flee gunfire while saving lives and are being targeted for kidnappings.

These are my recommendations for the committee.

First of all, support the decentralization of services and economic opportunities in Haiti by building the capacity of regional offices and facilities, by supporting the development of the country's agricultural industry and by utilizing infrastructure development to create employment for Haitians.

Second of all, I urge Canada to prioritize funding child protection initiatives to respond to and prevent extreme vulnerability, famine, homelessness, child trafficking and sexual assault cases, while ensuring that children are supported within their families and that separation is avoided.

Finally, urgent intervention is required to address the involvement of children in armed gangs in Haiti. This must be addressed by providing supports for the reintegration of child soldiers and street children safely into society and through prevention via the reinforcement of vulnerable families.

Thank you.

4:25 p.m.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Thank you. The time was respected.

Now I would like to invite Madame Geeta Narayan to take the floor for five minutes, please.

4:25 p.m.

Geeta Narayan UNICEF Representative in Haiti, United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)

Mr. Chair and honourable members, thank you once again for the opportunity for UNICEF to appear before the subcommittee today to speak to the situation in Haiti. My name is Geeta Narayan, and I've been the representative of UNICEF in Haiti for the last two years.

First, allow me to say that Canada has been an important partner to UNICEF in Haiti. Over the past five years, Canada has supported UNICEF programs across health, nutrition, water and sanitation, immunization and child protection, with approximately $32 million Canadian.

This support has made a practical difference, but the scale of the current triple crisis is increasing faster than the response. Haiti is experiencing a political crisis, a security crisis and a humanitarian crisis. From UNICEF's perspective, it is also a child protection crisis.

In Haiti today, around 1.47 million people are internally displaced, including over 751,000 girls and boys. Each displacement increases the risk of family separation, exploitation, violence, disease, psychological distress and prolonged interruption of learning.

Today, nearly one in two Haitians requires humanitarian assistance. Violence and displacement are disrupting children's access to education, health care, protection and other essential services, as 90% of the capital, Port-au-Prince, is under the control of armed groups.

Children are increasingly exposed to violence. UNICEF reported earlier this year that the recruitment and use of children by armed groups has increased dramatically, by an estimated 200% in 2025 alone. Girls face heightened risks of sexual violence, exploitation, forced association with armed actors and stigma when they return to their communities, while boys are facing recruitment, detention and exposure to armed violence.

The systems meant to protect children are under extreme pressure. Violence, displacement, poverty and migration are tearing families apart, while schools, health facilities, water and sanitation systems, social services, justice services and child protection actors are struggling to function.

I recently visited CERMICOL, a detention centre that is supposed to have a capacity of 100 children. Today, it holds around 100 children, many in prolonged pretrial detention, alongside approximately 600 adults. The conditions are deeply alarming.

Since the handover protocol was signed in January 2024, UNICEF, the Haitian government and civil society partners have verified and supported more than 600 children associated with armed groups with specialized protection and reintegration services. Canada's support to the PREJEUNES program is helping to prevent recruitment, support safe release and provide for the psychosocial care, education and reintegration of these children.

During a visit to a transit centre in Port-au-Prince a few weeks ago, I met Alexandre, a 14-year-old boy who fled violence at home, lived on the streets and was later used by an armed group to collect information. His story illustrates how easily children can be drawn into exploitation when protection systems break down.

Humanitarian action alone cannot resolve this crisis. Children need protection now, and they need systems that can endure. What we need to do is clear.

First, child protection must remain at the centre of engagement on Haiti, including discussions related to security support. International security assistance should include child protection safeguards; mandatory training on child rights for all members of security forces, such as the gang suppression force; measures to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse; and safe handover procedures for children encountered during security operations.

Second, we need to sustain flexible, humanitarian and development funding. Continued investment in education, health, water, social services and community-based protection is essential to preventing a lost generation of Haitian children.

Third, we must continue to support Haitian-led solutions. Throughout this crisis, Haitian institutions, local organizations, women's groups, youth groups and community actors have remained on the front lines responding to the needs of children. Strengthening their capacity, leadership and long-term resilience is essential to any sustainable solution.

The crisis in Haiti is often described through insecurity, but for children, it is measured in missed school days, untreated illnesses—

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

You have 10 more seconds, because the time is up.

UNICEF Representative in Haiti, United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)

Geeta Narayan

—unsafe water, forced displacement, recruitment, fear, and the loss of their childhood. Canada has been an important partner to Haiti, and today I ask you to continue that engagement, with a clear focus on children's rights, protection, accountability and support to Haitian systems and communities.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Thank you.

Now I would like to invite Mr. Tiziano Breda to take the floor for five minutes, please.

Tiziano Breda Senior Analyst, Latin America and Caribbean, ACLED

Mr. Chair and honourable members, thank you for the opportunity to provide our assessment of the situation in Haiti.

I, together with my colleague Sandra Pellegrini, represent ACLED, or Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, an independent, impartial global monitor that collects, analyzes and maps data on conflict and protests. Today, we will provide an assessment, drawing on ACLED data, including [Technical difficulty—Editor] 2018.

Since 2021, the security situation has deteriorated year after year. ACLED data shows that between 2021 and 2025, violence levels increased by 162%, and we recorded over 1,700 violent incidents and 4,700 fatalities last year alone. The assassination of President Jovenel Moïse accelerated the breakdown of an already unstable political order and disrupted pre-existing relationships between gangs and members of the country's political and economic elites. The result is that gangs have gained greater autonomy from their political backers by diversifying their sources of revenue, which include kidnapping for ransom, extortion and taking control of strategic roads and infrastructure.

Gangs have further sought to expand their territorial influence to bolster their resources and leverage over political authorities. They have expanded not only within the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area but also beyond the capital, including in other parts of the Ouest department and regions further north into Artibonite and Centre.

While gangs continue to compete for control of specific neighbourhoods and territories, they have increasingly acted in coordination under the Viv Ansanm coalition. This [Technical difficulty—Editor] transitional authorities more directly and respond collectively—

Bloc

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC

I have a point of order, Mr. Chair.

Unfortunately, an interpreter has told me twice now that the sound is cutting out.

Can we check with the interpreters to see if everything is okay in terms of their health and safety?

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Okay.

I apologize for this problem, but we have to maintain speaking time. We can't interrupt those who have the floor every minute. We have to live with it, because we don't have enough time left to—

Bloc

Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC

The problem isn't that I want to interrupt the witness, but the interpreters have to be able to do their job. We have health and safety rules to follow. It's really not about the witness, but actually about the technology—

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Thank you.

We'll suspend for a moment while we get this sorted out.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

I call the meeting back to order. The interpreters are fine to continue.

You can continue, Mr. Breda. You have the floor.

Senior Analyst, Latin America and Caribbean, ACLED

Tiziano Breda

While gangs continue to compete for control of specific neighbourhoods and territories, they have increasingly [Technical difficulty—Editor] coalition. This has allowed them to join forces to challenge transitional authorities more directly and respond collectively to heightened security pressure, including the deployment of international security forces such as the multinational security support mission, now replaced by the gang suppression force.

Haitian security forces and international partners stepped up the security response in 2025, including by establishing a special task force that has relied on explosive-laden drones, with assistance from private military company Vectus Global, to target gangs.

Although heightened anti-gang operations have produced some tactical gains, such as the recent recovery of areas in central Port-au-Prince, these gains have remained limited and fragile. The Haitian National Police is overstretched and under-resourced, and the gang suppression force is not yet fully operational. The operations thus far have showed limited success in capturing gang leaders or dismantling their operations and structures, as gangs seem to be adapting by seeking less exposure or even expanding or seeking refuge in other regions.

Civilians are often caught in the crossfire, particularly amid the recent use of drone strikes against gangs. [Technical difficulty—Editor] incidents with drones that killed over 900 people, including civilians and children. These incidents raise serious concerns [Technical difficulty—Editor], especially in densely populated areas, as well as broader questions over the extrajudicial killing of suspected gang members.

At the same time, the civilian population is continuously targeted by gangs through killings, large-scale massacres, sexual violence, kidnappings for ransom, forced recruitment and forced displacement. In the past 12 months alone, ACLED has recorded the killing of around 1,000 people in violence targeting civilians, and nearly five million Haitians, or about 46% of the population, have been exposed to a violent incident.

In addition, gang expansion and territorial control continue to [Technical difficulty—Editor], disrupting Haiti's main logistical arteries and obstructing the transport of essential medicine and food, which exacerbates already severe levels of food insecurity. At the same time, most hospitals in the capital have been forced to close because of gang violence.

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Can you wrap it up in 10 seconds, please?

Senior Analyst, Latin America and Caribbean, ACLED

Tiziano Breda

Yes.

Faced with limited protection from the state, many have organized into self-defence brigades. Local communities often see these groups as a last line of defence, but the surge in vigilante activity has [Technical difficulty—Editor].

The broader political consequence is that insecurity continues to obstruct the organization of elections, which have not been held in the country for decades, but security operations alone are unlikely to solve Haiti's crisis. They need to go hand in hand with strengthening—

Liberal

The Chair Liberal Fayçal El-Khoury

Thank you. The time is up. We've gone over by almost one minute.

Now we will go to the first round of questions and answers. I invite Mr. Davies to take the floor for five minutes.

Conservative

Fred Davies Conservative Niagara South, ON

Thank you, Chair.

I'm hoping that the connection will be strong enough that we can get some answers to some of the questions.

Haiti today represents one of the most severe cases of state fragility in the western hemisphere. The crisis goes well beyond gangs and political instability. Haiti is experiencing the erosion of the very institutions that sustain a functioning society, from schools, courts, public services and economic opportunity to trust in the government itself.

Ms. Pellegrini, I'd like to explore the relationship between economic exclusion and institutional decline. In your view, to what extent is Haiti's current instability driven by chronic economic exclusion rather than purely political factors? Are these distinct drivers, or are they fundamentally interconnected?

Senior Analyst, Latin America and Caribbean, ACLED

Sandra Pellegrini

These are connections we are not necessarily able to track within the dataset in its current form. It's important to remember that most of the violence related to gangs that we have been monitoring is indeed taking place in marginalized neighbourhoods.

That being said, it's important to remember that the mere existence of those gangs, looking back at Haiti's historical background, also stems from the very deeply rooted connections those gangs maintain with political and economic figures. They have been exploited over Haiti's history to serve a political purpose: to secure voting consistencies.

While there might be connections between the economic situation and fragility, I think we need to account for those [Technical difficulty—Editor] political elites, but also members of Haiti's economic elite, who also rely on gangs and these militias to secure their own interests.