Subcommittee on International Human Rights Committee on Dec. 1st, 2025

[Tamara Kronis, Conservative, Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC]

That's the protection in the camps.

Just to be a little bit more specific about it, it sounds like it's 2,800 people in Uganda, and then an additional cohort in the camps.

[Rabab Al-Khatib]

Yes.

[Tamara Kronis, Conservative, Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC]

That's part of the probably several million people in Uganda who are queer and who are facing the anxiety and fear of being found out or being exposed and the things they could lose under those circumstances.

Perhaps I could turn back to Mr. Kanyamu.

Can you share a little bit more about what it's like to be in that situation? What is the situation in the camps like? What is the situation in Uganda in terms of what it does for family dynamics and what people's lives are like?

[Paul Kanyamu]

Thank you so much, Tamara.

First, it all starts from home. Maybe your parents find out, or the community, that you're gay. You're subjected to persecution. Some people end up losing their lives. From there, people run to neighbouring countries, particularly Kenya, in Kakuma refugee camp, and South Sudan, in Gorom camp. From here we are promised registration. The UNHCR receives us. They register us and then they promise us safety: You are going to be safe. Of course, the UNHCR is an internationally recognized refugee organization. When we reach these camps, they say that everything will be okay.

But it's a different story. As I told you earlier, as soon as I arrived in the camp I was attacked, even more than I was attacked back in my home country. I faced extreme homophobia. My leg got broken. I feel traumatized even sharing my story right now. I saw people getting petrol-bombed and losing their lives in the camp. We couldn't access basic medication in the camp. There was discrimination by the health officials, who are meant to provide services equally to all refugees. There is a lot of persecution, even by the people mandated to protect us. I was assaulted by the police several times on camera: “You are gay. Kenya doesn't allow homosexuality. Please go back to your country.”

A lot of stuff is happening in the camps. An increase in homophobia cases was brought back from Uganda because of this law that was passed. How is life in the camps? It's horrible. It's so horrible. People have sleepless nights thinking they would be attacked by someone, thinking, “I'm going to be attacked. I can't sleep.” We sleep in shifts from seven o'clock to two o'clock, and then from two o'clock to seven o'clock. It's not easy in the camps. The UNHCR tells us that no country is ready to receive us simply because they are not open. Yet we see non-LGBTQI+ refugees—Somalians, Congolese and other non-LGBTQI+ refugees—being resettled. We see flights every day. They're moving in big numbers. Queer people are being discriminated against. I don't understand.

It's so horrible on the ground, Tamara.

[Tamara Kronis, Conservative, Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC]

Can you talk about your journey to Canada? What was it like? How did Reaching Out Assisting Refugees, or ROAR, identify you? What was your journey like? When did you first feel safe?

[Paul Kanyamu]

Thank you so much for the question.

ROAR identified me in November 2019 after reading my story online. They saw me and we got in touch. I explained to them that I used to post a lot on social media and I used to act as an advocate for my fellow LGBTQI+ persons. Still, we were threatened by the UNHCR and the police not to post, because the donors might say, “Oh, people are getting attacked. How will donors give money to UNHCR if people are being attacked?” They used to discourage us from posting on social media, and this is what is happening in South Sudan right now.

When ROAR came in 2019, they identified me and Meddie, and I got a chance and they opted to resettle me to safety. That's when the hope came in. I was like, “Oh, I'm hopeful that I'll be safe tomorrow,” because despite all these private sponsorship options, still I was attacked by the refugees and received lots of discrimination.

The process ran, and I'm so grateful to the Canadian government because I got through the process so quickly. The visa official really saw my story and saw what I was going through. He asked for my social media. I gave it to him and he was like, “Oh, this is so bad.” That was the time when my leg got broken. I was on crutches. I was in such a bad situation back then. In a few months, I was referred to the IOM, the International Organization for Migration, for my medical needs, and security checks were done and my visa was issued in September 2021.

Unfortunately, because I was such a vocal advocate for the people, the Government of Kenya and the UNHCR said I could not fly, so it was another battle for me to engage in.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Can you wrap up? We've almost exceeded two minutes.

[Paul Kanyamu]

Okay, I will wind up.

ROAR—Reaching Out Assisting Refugees—is an organization in Nanaimo. They resettle LGBTQI+ refugees from across the globe through private sponsorships. It's the organization I came through, and I started feeling safe the day I landed in Canada. I really felt safe, and I'm so grateful for that.

I'm working and I'm a permanent resident. I'm giving to Canada. I'm a registered nursing assistant. I help seniors in long-term care and also in hospitals. For those who know the Nanaimo Regional General Hospital, it's where I work, and I'm helping the seniors there.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you. We are happy to have you in Canada, a safe and welcoming country.

Now I would like to invite Madame Vandenbeld to take the floor for seven minutes.

[Anita Vandenbeld, Liberal, Ottawa West—Nepean, ON]

Thank you, Chair.

Thank you to all of our witnesses.

Paul, thank you for telling your story. It has impacts, so I appreciate that.

I want to start my questions with Nicholas Opiyo.

You said something in your testimony about external pressure. You successfully fought the law against LGBTI in Uganda in 2014, and I know the 2023 law is in the courts right now.

To what extent does something like this—this committee, the airing of these things and pressure from outside—make a difference?

[Nicholas Opiyo]

Thank you very much, Madame Vandenbeld, and thank you, Mr. Chair.

External pressure is perhaps the only thing that has kept many LGBTI folks in Uganda safe. If it were not for external pressure, worse things could have happened to so many people in the country. It shines a light and creates restraint on the part of the authorities in Uganda. In moments when this pressure is waning, you begin to see worse rhetoric and abuse of the LGBTI community, so the pressure is perhaps the only thing—the only place where many LGBTI folks can speak.

I doubt that an LGBTI person could address the Ugandan parliament or a committee of parliament in the way that we are addressing you now, so external pressure means these platforms in many cases are the only places to hear the plight of LGBTI individuals.

Second, external pressure is also the only pressure that has helped in so many cases where people are being prosecuted. When they know that people are watching and when they know that the cases are being reported, there is fairer treatment in an already bad situation for many LGBTI folks in Uganda.

[Anita Vandenbeld, Liberal, Ottawa West—Nepean, ON]

I recall that in 2020, when you were part of the World Movement for Democracy, and, as a lawyer, you were arrested, there was a tremendous amount of mobilization for your release.

We've heard that in a number of countries, there's a weaponization of the law. When people are being charged because of their human rights work, they will use other things, like tax evasion or, in your case, money laundering. They're trumped-up charges. We've seen that in the Philippines with Maria Ressa and others.

Can you tell us how the authorities are using that kind of legal repression to target not just LGBTI people, but also their legal counsel?

[Nicholas Opiyo]

The law and the court systems in Uganda have become a political tool. First of all, we must recognize that, in large part, the problem of the LGBTI community is also a political problem, because the issue of the LGBTI community has been used by politicians in moments of political convenience to attack their opponents and characterize them as being funded by foreign LGBTI groups. The intention is to drive the population against them. This has also happened to allies and allied organizations.

In our case, part of the reason we were suspended and closed by the government of Uganda in 2021 was that we were working with the LGBTI community. The accusations against us for money laundering came because the funding was coming from an American LGBTI funding organization called the American Jewish World Service.

The law and the court systems, which are supposed to be tools of protection, have become tools of punishment and persecution against the LGBTI community. I've appeared in many cases in which judges and magistrates quoted the Bible, not the law, in condemning LGBTI folks to imprisonment or detention.

In so many instances, the use of the small LGBTI minority in Uganda as a political tool has become commonplace. Just two days ago, the speaker of the national assembly, who was the speaker of the house and who championed the passing of the law, was using the LGBTI issue to attack her opponents on a campaign platform. This issue has been weaponized and used in so many other ways, much to the detriment of the country's LGBTI community.

If I may seek your indulgence to make a small comment on the previous question on numbers, I think Uganda is not about just the numbers—the numbers might be small—but about what it means for the region. We are seeing the spread of anti-LGBTI laws across the region, starting from Uganda. Whether it works or fails in Uganda will determine how far this spreads in the region. We must treat Uganda as a test case to make the point that LGBTI folks have allies and can be protected, rather than focus on the numbers of LGBTI folks in Uganda, which are difficult to know. People are closeted. So many people come to me for legal representation who are in heterosexual relationships but are maintaining quiet gay relationships. You can't even know the number because nobody counts them, and people are afraid to come out.

[Anita Vandenbeld, Liberal, Ottawa West—Nepean, ON]

Thank you for your perseverance in that.

I know I don't have much time, but I'd like to ask Mr. Shire a question.

You said it isn't just the legal authorities; all of this political inflammation also creates a lot of social repression. What is the capacity or willingness of the authorities to protect LGBTI members of the community when they face this kind of repression from others in society?

[Hassan Shire]

Thank you, Anita.

The society here is 98% homophobic, and this is a fact that has been established by BBC and by other neutral bodies, that they truly hate LGBTI people. These children who are now here, Dennis and Paul, were born to parents who.... Neighbours, boda boda riders, schoolmates, the principals in the schools and the universities, and the workmates, they all revolt whenever you mention LGBTI people.

Therefore, in a situation like that, if you turn to the disinformation and misinformation being spread by people in authority to drum up so-called support that appeals to people with those kinds of negative attitudes toward the LGBTI persons, you could see that there are no law and order people who might be able to protect you—

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Can you wrap it up, please? We have exceeded the time by one minute.

Go ahead for a few seconds.

[Hassan Shire]

Okay, Mr. Chair.

There won't be any, because the law and order people maintain the order in other places. They're not guarding the safety and security of the LGBTI people, so they are vulnerable.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you.

Mr. Brunelle‑Duceppe, you now have the floor for seven minutes.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you Mr. Chair.

Thank you very much to all the witnesses for being here.

Our study is on a really important topic. We're here to try to make a difference.

My first questions are for the representatives of the Rainbow Railroad.

Mr. Wamala, you made some recommendations and I believe that the third recommendation was to establish an emergency mechanism in the event of sudden crackdowns. This would be a Canadian program that could be applied in the event of a sudden crackdown on the LGBTQ+ community. I do believe that Canada needs to be ready in case that happens.

However, there are two aspects to this recommendation. The first is that no such program currently exists. The second is that it means that you fear a sudden crackdown in Uganda. If I understand correctly, there is therefore a sense of urgency.

[Rabab Al-Khatib]

I'm going to answer that. Thank you so much.

We are not suggesting any new mechanism with the third recommendation in here, but rather we are capitalizing on whatever the Canadian government already has around the world as missions. We are asking for, or recommending, a trigger that would emphasize the crisis once it happens.

We are recommending mainly three things, or this can be done through three other ways.

The first one is to disseminate the message to the missions of Canada around the world to expedite cases of LGBTQI+ people once we have a crisis happening or a crackdown.

The second one is more related to documentation, and it's to temporarily ease or relax the documentation that the Government of Canada usually requests from people, because people under persecution may not be able to access public institutions.

In addition, it would be to focus also on explaining to the missions around the world the importance of flagging SOGIESC cases. We are not, by any chance, speaking about any new structure, but rather we are building on the structures the Government of Canada has in the missions around the world but with more focus, specifically speaking, around the need to identify the high-risk cases of LGBTQI+ people and to expedite the processing of these cases.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Are you currently facing any obstacles in resettling people in Canada? If so, what are they? How can we make improvements to make things better for your organization and, above all, for the people you help?

[Rabab Al-Khatib]

Thank you so much.

I'm going to stress again the partnership between Rainbow Railroad and the Government of Canada when it comes to government-assisted refugees, through which, today, Rainbow Railroad is able to resettle 250-plus LGTBQI+ persons per year, or we refer them to the Canadian government for resettlement.

The very first obstacle is that the needs are huge and the spots are very limited. One of the main requests or recommendations from Rainbow Railroad would be to add more spots so that we can resettle more people who are in need, especially while we are looking at a world where more and more queer people are facing crisis. That's the first one. The second one is more related to resources. Spots are one thing, but spots come with an investment from the Canadian government to be able to process those cases.

With the challenges, I want to speak about an opportunity. When we speak about this partnership between Rainbow Railroad and the Government of Canada, Rainbow Railroad is mainly the one who is doing the verification process and preparing the case for resettlement. In one way or another, there is an opportunity for the Government of Canada to capitalize on this, because civil society is taking the biggest part of the work of resettlement. If we push more cases and more people towards resettlement to Canada, this kind of partnership with civil society is really an opportunity to capitalize on it to be able to find the most at-risk people and expedite the processing time as well.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you very much for your answer.

Mr. Kanyamu, thank you for your testimony. It was hard to listen to, but it was absolutely necessary for the committee to hear it and, above all, for it to reach the executive branch and the government. Thank you so much for sharing your story.

You said that it was when you arrived in Canada that you felt safe for the first time. I would like to know if you are still receiving threats, for example on social media or online. Are you still living with certain threats, even though you are on Canadian soil?

[Paul Kanyamu]

Thank you so much.

Some time ago, I received threats because, even when I came here, I continued advocating for the LGBTQIA+ community back in Africa and the rest of the countries that persecute queer people.

I can say I'm safe here, and I haven't received any threats in Canada on the ground, except a few on social media. I'm safe in Canada, I can confidently say.

Before I wind up, I would kindly request this committee to at least grant more settlement slots to LGBTQIA+ refugees, particularly in South Sudan and Kenya, because those people are really going through hardships right now. Also, expedite your settlement for vulnerable LGBTQIA+ persons already in the pipeline, because we have people who are privately sponsored right now, but their cases are taking way too long, despite the fact that the sponsored are being attacked. I have a friend in Gorom right now who was attacked yesterday. He's bleeding. I can't show pictures right now because they're gross.

I also urge the Government of Kenya to resume LGBTQIA+ registration to ease resettlement.

Thank you.

[The Chair, Liberal, Fayçal El-Khoury]

Thank you Mr. Brunelle‑Duceppe.

Your time has expired by one minute, but I didn't want to interrupt the witness.

Mr. Zuberi, I now invite you to take the floor for five minutes.