Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
My name is Jennifer Dunn. I am the executive director of the London Abused Women's Centre here in London, Ontario. For over four decades, our organization has supported women and girls who have been subjected to male violence, including intimate partner violence, sexual exploitation and trafficking, with long-term counselling, advocacy and support.
With my time today, I will focus on the proposed amendments related to femicide and the proposed criminalization of coercive and controlling conduct within Bill C-16.
The London Abused Women's Centre welcomes the recognition of femicide within this legislation. Treating murders that occur in the context of control, hate, sexual violence or exploitation as the most serious form of homicide and naming femicide as a distinct form of violence are important. It acknowledges what frontline organizations like ours, researchers and families have long known, which is that violence against women is gendered, patterned and deeply rooted in inequality. Recognizing femicide helps make visible the realities that too often go unnamed.
However, it's important to be clear that naming femicide alone will not prevent it. While recognition is meaningful, it must be accompanied by sustained investment in prevention to address the root causes of male violence against women and the systemic barriers that women face. Without that, we risk creating language without impact.
I would now like to turn to the proposed new offence of coercive and controlling conduct.
The London Abused Women's Centre agrees that coercive control is real, dangerous and often precedes lethal violence. It is a critical concept in understanding how abuse operates over time. However, we have serious concerns about the risks of criminalizing coercive control in the system as it currently operates. I urge you to consider the reality of mandatory charge policies in intimate partner violence cases, for example.
In May 1981, the London Police Service became the first police force in Canada to institute a mandatory charging policy for intimate partner violence cases. These policies were intended to relieve victims, most often women, of the responsibility of deciding whether their partner should be charged and to increase their safety. Police were directed to lay charges where there were reasonable probable grounds.
Introducing a new, highly nuanced criminal offence without addressing these systemic issues risks widening that harm. Police officers responding to intimate partner violence calls are often making decisions in highly volatile, time-limited situations. It is not possible to have a full picture of an intimate partner relationship when responding to an emergency call. There is a real and growing risk that survivors, particularly those who are seen to resist, defend themselves or present themselves as less ideal victims, could be misidentified and criminalized.
If this offence proceeds, it cannot stand alone. Coercive control is a deeply nuanced concept. Its identification requires an understanding of power, gender, trauma and systemic bias. We have seen this in other areas such as judicial education on sexual assault, that training cannot and should not ever be optional. We cannot afford to repeat that gap. There must be mandatory, ongoing and accountable training for police, Crown attorneys and judges. This training must include coercive control and trauma- and violence-informed practice. Without it, the law risks being applied unevenly and unjustly.
Finally, I want to emphasize what we know to be true. Criminal law on its own does not prevent violence. As highlighted in the brief by the Barbra Schlifer Commemorative Clinic and LEAF, criminalizing coercive control does not address the underlying causes of violence against women, nor the barriers that prevent survivors from reporting.
We know what does help prevent violence. In London, our high-risk action table for femicide prevention brings together police, community agencies and service providers to identify and intervene in the highest-risk cases before lethal violence occurs. This kind of coordinated, multisector response allows for a fuller picture of risk, which is something no single system, including policing, can achieve on its own. If we are serious about ending violence, we must invest in these coordinated, preventative models alongside early intervention, long-term advocacy and support for survivors, housing, and guaranteed livable income.
In closing, we support efforts to better recognize and respond to the realities of violence against women, including femicide and coercive control. This is a significant step forward. Legislation must be grounded in the lived realities of survivors and the systems that respond to them. Without careful implementation, safeguards and investments, there is a risk that these changes could unintentionally cause further harm to the very women they are intended to protect. We cannot afford to get this wrong.
Thank you.